ceeded by the general establishment of free constitutions and representativego vernments. How these promises were fulfilled, is too well known to need a long recital. The downfal of Bonaparte was scarcely achieved, when the allied sovereigns conspired together to put down and extinguish that very spirit to which they had been indebted for all their triumphs, and thus lost an opportunity, such as may probably never recur, of establishing their thrones in the hearts of their subjects, and securing the cause of monarchy for centuries to come, by associating the title of King with every generous and glorious recollection. As it is, they have acted as if they wished to destroy for ever that ancient feeling, which has hitherto been expressed by the word loyalty; and it will require almost superhuman skill to efface the impressions of the last five years. Conciliation and concession, applied with judgment, and applied in time, might yet do much; but such remedies are too often neglected, till the season is past when they might be applied with advantage. It is too late to conciliate, when the bayonet has been used, and perhaps used in vain, to intimidate. It is true, force may prevail for a time, but it is the people who win the game at last; and all that is really left to the option of their governors is, to decide whether they will, by quietly consenting to such reforms as the progress of information demands, prevent the horrors and confusion which must attend upon a revolution. Who does not see that all the great revolutions upon record may be traced to that obstinate and inflexible resistance to innovation and improvement, which is so generally the characteristic of those in power; and "which at last so irritates common sense and right moral feeling, as to make them pass their proper bounds, and accomplish that reform by force, which ought to be the quiet result of following nature through the gradual stages of human improvement." Thus, the peace of Christendom might have been preserved, and the separation of the Protestants prevented, but for the obstinate pertinacity with which the Catholic Church defended even the abuses of her establishment. Again:-Humanity would have been spared the disgrace which the frightful excesses of the French revolution have stamped upon it, if the rulers of that people, instead of continuing a mon◄ strous system of feudal oppression, down to a period when all the habits and feelings of society were in opposi tion to it, had from time to time ac commodated their constitution to the altered state of the world, by the silent introduction of such changes as would have satisfied the growing appetite for improvement. Lastly-Ferdinand might be now reigning in Spain the limited monarch of a united people, if, at his first restoration, he had put himself at the head of the Liberales, and been content with directing that re forming spirit, which could not be any longer restrained. By the voluntary grant of a part, at a time when it would have been accepted with gratitude, he would have avoided the necessity of yielding all, a necessity to which he has been reduced by delaying the moment of compliance till he had no longer the power to deny. For, as it is, his conduct has been such as to for feit irrevocably the confidence of bis subjects, and the consequence of his conduct has been a reaction, which has produced correspondent excesses on their side, in the formation of a constitution, which must give rise to worse evils than those it is intended to prevent. "What seems its head ms its head, "The likeness of a kingly crown has on;* but Ferdinand has little more than the name of King; he is not only deprived of the power of doing harm, but debarred from the privilege of doing good; his title is a sarcasm, and his crown a mockery. The people too will find, that in their anxiety to secure the ascendancy of democracy, they have been destroying the bulwarks of liberty, and it is to be feared that the whole constitution will tumblesto pieces, and furnish another instance of failure, to be noted down and quoted by the enemies of popular government. Let us hope, however, that it may rather induce both rulers and people to cultivate a good understanding with each other, by teaching them that they must co-operate together in order to accomplish any real and lasting benefit to their country. Above all, it will help 'to demonstrate, that the current of public opinion is every day becoming more irresistible. The attempt to oppose it altogether is about as practicable as it would be to ob struct & the course of a river. For, though this might perhaps be done for a time, near the source, in the full vigour of the stream it is impossible. If from a superabundant supply there should be reason to apprehend an overflowing of the banks, it is surely wiser to provide additional water-courses, than to attempt the construction of a dam to arrest its progress;-a protection that must give way to the first flood, and expose the whole country, far and wide, to the danger of being deluged and destroyed by the overwhelming force of the inundation. The application of this illustration is obvious. In the other states of Europe, hone will deny that it is l'impatience de souffrir, and not l'envie d'attaquer, which has been the cause of their insurrection; and every Englishman, who has one genuine drop of the crimson sap of freedom circulating in his veins, must sympathise with the efforts of his continental brethren, and wish them success in their just and rightful efforts to ameliorate their political condition. Let us now turn our eyes nearer home, and examine whether the clamours of discontent which here too assail us on all sides, will admit of the same explanation. Here the question between the governors and the people becomes a more complicated one. In reading the passage of Sully which has been quoted above, it must be remembered, that in his time there was no such thing as the liberty of the press. Had he lived in our days, it is possible, that he might have in some degree qualified his maxim; for, though we agree with him that l'envie d'attaquer is never the motive of an insurrection when the people are left to themselves, yet we doubt whether the same doctrine will apply to a people, whose passions are inflamed by daily fand weekly doses of the most stimulating quality, administered to them under every form and shape by the agency of the press. There is a period in the history of a country when the universal diffusion of knowledge creates a general sentiment of equality, which is productive of consequences not wholly dissimilar to what might be Jexpected to result from a state of anarchy. In such a stage of society, it is of the utmost importance that there should be a constant supply of those MASTER SPIRITS, whose privilege it is to stamp the age in which they live with the impress of their own character, and who, by the splendour of their talents, and the integrity of their principles, command at once the deference and the confidence of the people; and, while they preside at the helm of the state, keep the course of the vessel even and steady. Without this constant supply, the people, especially if long accustomed to submit to such guidance, are like a crew who have been suddenly deprived of their commander; and a general spirit of insubordination succeeds. The principle of democracy," says Montesquieu," is corrupted, not only when the spirit of equality is extinct, but likewise when the people fall into a spirit of extreme equality; and when every citizen wants to be on a level with those he has chosen to command him. Then the people, incapable of bearing the very power they have entrusted, want to do every thing for themselves;-to debate for the senate-to decide for the judges-to execute for the magistrate. It may be well to consider whether England, at the present moment, be not much in the state that is here supposed. When, indeed, we observe the direction which the public complaints have taken, we cannot help thinking that l'envie d'attaquer has been a more powerful motive than l'impatience de souffrir, at least with the agitators of these complaints. At a period when we have so many real difficulties to struggle with, and so many evils to endure which come home to the bosoms of us all, the cries of the discontented have been confined to two points;the Queen, and Parliamentary Reform. Let us examine how far the real interests of the people are connected with either of these topics;—and first for the Queen. If the investigation have proved nothing else, it must, we think, at least have satisfied every impartial man in the kingdom, that the ministers, with such charges before them, would have deserted their duty if they had not submitted the case to the consideration of parliament. The expediency of passing the bill is another question; and while we regret the moral effect of the late trial, we must at the same time remember that every possible effort was made to avoid the necessity of a public inquiry. The pious care of those wise and worthy persons who joined with Mr Wilberforce in proposing this healing measure, approached, like the sons of the Patriarch, with averted eyes, to spread a veil over those transactions, the ex(posure of which would exhibit nothing but shame. When the passions of the present hour have subsided, the public opinion will, we think, undergo a com-plete change; and what is now viewed through the kaleidoscope of romance, will then appear in its true light. We shall then look back with wonder at the extent of that delusion which could encourage the designing to hope, that they might succeed in exciting the people like the two madmen of Cer-vantes to fall to loggerheads upon a tpoint with which they had no more concern, than with the intrigue between the fabulous Queen Madasima and Master Elizabat, the barber. - And next for Parliamentary Reform. Of all the improvements introduced by modern times into the art of government, there is none perhaps which has been attended with more important results than the establishment of the representative system;-by which the people, instead of exercising the legislative power,en masse, in a collective body, transfer it into the hands of representatives. It is this system which has enabled large states to maintain a degree of freedom, undisturbed by popular commotion, of which we have no example in the ancient Republics of Greece and Rome. Long, however, vas we have been accustomed to this mode of administering government, it St seems by no means yet determined in what its essence consists. Even in nour own House of Commons,-one of the oldest examples of a representative assembly-the leading members of different parties have expressed the most opposite opinions on the subject. The partisans of democracy argue, that the best and surest method of securing Lan adequate representation of the national will would be to make the right oof suffrage universal, and to compel the deputies so chosen, to receive and to follow the directions of their consti-tuents. If, however, it can be shewn, as we think it may, that a compliance with these demands, even to their fullbest extent, would by no means ensure the attainment of the object proposed; rit must follow, that the opinions of such reformers are founded upon a mistaken a view of the real nature and advantages " of the representative system.roWe shall endeavour then to demonstrate, not only that the sentiments of a ma jority of the people, numerically considered, cannot be accurately ascer tained though the medium of dele gates, acting as the mere mouth-piece of their constituents,--but that, in consequence of this very mode of proceed ing, it may easily happen, even where the people are most extensively and equally represented, that a great mo jority of the delegates shall give their votes in direct contradiction to the wishes of a great majority of the peo ple. 1 Let us take, for example, a state, where, for the sake of easy calcula tion, we will suppose the whole po pulation of full age, of sound mind, and of the masculine gender, three conditions, with which we believe the most radical reformers have clogged the right of suffrage, amounts to 500,000. Let this population be parcelled out, for the convenience of dection, according to the district division, suggested in some of our late reform bills, into 250 equal parts. Each of these districts will then contaîn 2009 voters, who will constitute, in fact a sort of corporate body, possessing the right of sending two deputies to the national assembly, which will thus he composed of 500 delegates ; and these 500 delegates ought, if there be any virtue in the system, to represent fully and perfectly the will of the whole nation. zim blong or Let us now suppose some great ques tion,peace or war for example, to be agitated in this supreme council of the state. The deputies, having comsulted their constituents, assemble. Three hundred, in obedience to their instructions, declare for war ; the re maining 200, under different direc tion, give their votes in favour of peace. Here then, a large majority of the representatives are decidedly ford war; but if we inspect the sentiments little more closely, we shall find a still greater majority of them as decidedly for peace. The 100 districts represented by the minority are, from commercial or manufacturing considerations, which may easily be imagined, unanimously in opposition, while the 150 districts on the warlike side of the question, are much divided in opinion. Let us suppose, to simplify the calculation, that the advocates of war 1 " absence of which occasioned most of the evils that attended the popular governments of antiquity. A powerful body is thus formed in the state, able from its authority, and willing from an identity of interests, to defend the rights of the people. If such is found to be the result of the represontative systém, it is surely needless to inquire further, what are its advantages to squizobisind sitt doponda amount to 1200, which will leave 800 as the strength of the minority, very little arithmetic will now enable us to perceive that the numerical amount of the people coinciding with the opinion of the majority of the national assembly, and in fact directing its resolutions, is 1200 multiplied by 150powhich byields a total of only 180,000 On the other hand, to asbertain the number of those who entertain the sentiments of the minority The practical question arising out of of the assembly, we must take the these considerations is, whether the sums of the minorities in the 150 war- British House of Commons, constitulike districts, by multiplying 800 by ted as it is at present, does not answer 150, which will amount to 180,000; all the purposes which a reasonable and these being added to the unanimous man can expect from any assembly of suffrages of the 100 peaceful districts national representatives. We have en(1200x100), will swell the whole deavoured to shew that no scheme of amount of these to 300,000. Thus, election, however equal and universal, from the very circumstance of the de- would ensure that the council of the puties being obliged to follow the in- nation should be, as it were, a reflectstructions of their constituents, is a ing mirror of the people they repreaneasure carried to which a great majo- sent; all, therefore, that remains to derity of the people are decidedly averse. cide is, whether we will put to hazard We have perhaps laboured this point the substantial advantages of our preat greater length than was necessary; sent state, to realize some suntried but the case here supposed is not a theory, with the hope of obtaining mere hypothetical possibility, for a fact some unknown good. Are we to listen perfectly similar, though on a smaller to the radical empirics, who describe scale, took place in France at the con- annual parliaments and universal sufvention of the Notables in 1787. This frage as the sovereign panacea,just as body, consisting of 144 members, was an advertising quack recommends an to give its opinion, not by a majority infallible pill to cure all sorts of disof individuals but of sections, of which eases? One might fancy that these it was divided into seven. The French learned Thebans had but lately acminister M. Calonne, is said to have quired the art of reading, and having distributed 144 members, upon whom discovered, in practising upon the pages he could rely, in such a manner as to of Blackstone, that our obligation to pay secures a majority in four of the sec- the taxes and obey the laws is founded tions, by which contrivance, he was en- upon the supposition that every man abled to direct as he pleased, the reso- has himself ratified them by his own lutions of the whole. From this in- consent, given through the person stance, it may be safely deduced as a whom he has chosen to represent him general principle, that a majority of in Parliament, they immediately procorporate bodies does not necessarily ceed to infer that the practice of the include a majority of individuals; and constitution no longer corresponds with we may also infer as a corollary, that the theory, and that some gross deno state where the people, from their parture from ancient usage must have numbers, are induced to delegate their taken place, to give rise to the actual power to representatives, can be in the state of things. It is possible that these ftrue sense of the word democratic, and representations may deceive those to least ofball so where the deputies are whom they are addressed, and indeed under the absolute controul of their - we are inclined to attribute much of constituents. vifio Sul yd force the clamour on this subject to an ho-In what then, it will be asked real-nest and sincere, however mistaken, ly consists the advantage of represen-belief in the truth of such statements. station? Toothis we answer, that it senables the people to influence with out actually interfering with the measures of the government guan advantage of inestimable importance, the Those, howevery who have read the history of their country in other pages than those of thes Radical Register, need not be told that Blackstone did not mean to say that every man has a voice in the election of representatives, for they know that such a system ne ver did exist in this country. Black. stone's assertion is, notwithstanding, strictly consonant with the truth. Eve ry man is represented, for each member is from the moment of his election, not the deputy of a particular body of individuals to protect local rights and advocate local interests-but a member of the united Parliament, whose duty it is to provide for the interests of the whole empire. All that is necessary is, that the electors should be sufficiently numerous to secure the independence of the representative, and this, in the great majority of instances, is already the case. One of the greatest mistakes which reformers commit is, in supposing that a government must necessarily become better as it becomes more democratical; whereas the truth seems to be, that all power, as long as it is lodged in human hands, tends naturally towards abuse, and experience does not teach us that it is more tolerable in the hands of many than of one. On the contrary, if we pursue each form of government to its extreme point of depravation, despotism is at least preferable to anarchy. There would always be room to hope, in despair of better means, that the hand of a Brutus might shake off the yoke of a single tyrant, but where could we look for protection against the ubiquity of a domineering rabble, unless indeed we could give to Brutus the hands of Briareus, or realizing the wish of Caligula-strike at the whole body of our oppressors through a single neck. Another favourite fallacy of reformers consists in attributing the imperfections, which are inseparable from all human institutions, to the particular system which is the object of their attack. This gives to their ar guments an appearance of reason, and gains them a host of followers. For, every man can feel the burthen of taxes; nothing is so easy as to declaim against places and pensions, nor is there a pot-house politician, who cannot demonstrate the dangers to be apprehended from the corruption of ministers and the venality of parliaments;-but it is the reflecting few alone who will be at the pains of convincing them selves, that so long as hope, fear, and self-love are the actuating passions of the human heart, the business of go d77 vernment cannot be conducted by the mere force of reason and argument. 7 It would be easy to imagine systems where individual interest should al ways give way to the general good, and where the love of what is right should be the universal principle of action,but angels and not men must administer such systems. Governments are not made for men as they ought to be, but for men as they are, and we cannot believe there is any man out of the precincts of Lagado, whose brains have been so bewildered by the dreams of perfectibility as to imagine that the universal extension of the elective franchise would "whip the offending Adam" out of human nature, and induce the mass of mankind to act and to vote from the pure motives of patriotism and public spirit. What reason have we to believe that there would be less corruption and less abuse under such a new state of things? It would be a strange recipe for making the liquor run finer, to shake up the cask from the bottom. Let us take an example from our own experience, for which we need not travel farther than the vestry room of our parish. Here we have the miniature picture of a perfect democracy. Every rated parishioner has a voice, and the vote of him who pays five pence counts for as much as the vote of him who pays five pounds. Here, if any where, we might hope to find the public good predominating over all private interests, and we should at least expect that rates would be imposed, monies expended, and the poor employed, only for purposes of general utility. But what is the truth? It would perhaps be impossible to bring together within the same compass, more intrigue, more jobbing, more party spirit, and less attention to the general good, than will usually be found within the walls of a vestry room. It is ever thus, for the mass of mankind are in all ages and countries the same. Acting from feeling and not from reason, they will ever be the dupes of artful demagogues, who inflame their passions in order to direct them to the attainment of their own selfish views; and amongst these there will be a constant competition, who shall flatter and cajole them most. It is a contest of this kind, which has occasioned the present licentiousness of the daily and weekly press, in which 服 2012 y 16 m and equ |