pillow, and a tarpaulin drawn over him, as if he had gone to sleep, and died so. In a patch of long grass, near the right flank of the camp, lay Durnford's body, the long moustache still clinging to the withered skin of the face. Captain Shepstone recognised him at once, and identified him yet further by rings on the finger and a knife with the name on it in the pocket, which relics were brought away. Durnford had died hard-a central figure of a knot of brave men who had fought it out around their chief to the bitter end. A stalwart Zulu, covered by his shield, lay at the colonel's feet. Around him, almost in a ring, lay about a dozen dead men, half being Natal Carbineers, riddled by assegai stabs. These gallant fellows were easily identified by their comrades who accompanied the column. Poor Lieutenant Scott was hardly at all decayed. Clearly they had rallied round Durnford in a last despairing attempt to cover the flank of the camp, and had stood fast from choice, when they might have essayed to fly for their horses. Close beside the dead at the picquet line, a gully traverses the ground in front of the camp. About 400 paces beyond this was the ground of the battle before the troops broke from their formation, and on both sides this gully the dead lie very thickly. In one place nearly fifty of the 24th lie almost touching, as if they had fallen in rallying square. The line of straggling rush back to camp is clearly marked by the skeletons all along the front. Durnford's body was wrapped in a tarpaulin and buried under a heap of stones. The Natal Carbineers buried their dead com

rades roughly. The gunners did the same by theirs. Efforts were made at least to conceal all the bodies of the men who had not belonged to the 24th Regiment. These were left untouched by special orders from General Newdigate. General Marshall had nourished a natural and seemly wish to give interment to all our dead who so long have lain, bleaching, at Isandlhwana, but it appears that the 24th wishes to perform this office. themselves, thinking it right that both battalions should be represented, and that the ceremony should be postponed till the end of the campaign.

Wandering about the desolate camp, amid the sour odour of stale death, was sickening. I chanced on many sad relics-letters from home, photographs, journals, blood-stained books, packs of cards. Lord Chelmsford's copying-book, containing an impression of his correspondence with the Horse Guards, was found in one of his portmanteaus, and identified, in a kraal two miles off. Colonel Harness was busily engaged collecting his own belongings. Colonel Glynn found a letter from himself to Lieutenant Melville, dated the day before the fight. The ground was strewn with brushes, toilet bags, pickle bottles, and unbroken tins of preserved meats and milk. Forges and bellows remained standing ready for the recommencement of work. The waggons in every case had been emptied, tents rifled. Bran lay spilt in heaps.

arms were found, and no ammunition.

and the conScarcely any There were a

few stray bayonets and assegais, rusted with blood.

No fire-arms.

I shall offer few comments on the Isandhlwana position. Had the world been searched for a position offering the easiest facilities for being surprised, none could have been well found to surpass it. The position seems to offer a premium on disaster, and asks to be attacked. In the rear laagered waggons would have discounted its defects; but the camp was more defenceless than an English village. Systematic scouting could alone have justified such a position, and this too clearly cannot have been carried out.

gun limber. The fore part of a gun carriage, consisting of two wheels and an axle, with a framework and shafts for horses. The framework bears two ammunition boxes,

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which serve as seats for two artillerymen. The gun carriage proper is attached by means of a strong pole. "Limber" is properly a shaft, from "limb."

THE MILITARY SPIRIT versus INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT.

THE two paths of military aggrandisement and development of industrial energies are so essentially divergent that no nation can possibly walk along both of them. They represent the opposite poles of human activity, and no reasoning can bring them into harmony. We may be told that "only under the shadow of empire has commerce grown up ;" but it is a simple historical fact that, with us, the exact reverse has been the case,

and that from our commercial and colonising enterprise our empire has been created. It has grown up under the shadow of our trade. The hardy sons of England pushed out to seek their fortunes; they settled in various lands, and acquired rights; they asked protection as British citizens, and, as that protection was granted them, our dominion was slowly extended over vast territories. How much of wrong-doing and oppression there may have been in such annexations we do not now inquire. That wrong-doing has only been a cause of weakness, Our rule stands because it is supposed to rest on justice. It is stable, because ours is not an empire founded on blood. Its essential principle comes from commercial supremacy. It is a symbol of the triumph of industrial enterprise. Our great strength lies, as Lord Beaconsfield boasted, in that we have the sinews of war. But it is commerce which creates those sinews.

England reverences great soldiers-they have their value. In past times they have rendered vast services. Often they have defended the liberties of the peoples of the world. Brave men, like the heroes of Thermopylæ, have rolled back the hosts which despots led; and have by this means made a safe and secure home wherein freedom has had a regal seat, and art, science, and commerce have flourished. That is the proper work of the military art. It is to defend from harm those who are engaged in the pursuits of peace. It is to nations what the police system and the administration of justice are in internal affairs. Its one great duty is to keep the

peace. It is a disagreeable necessity, imposed upon mankind by the fact that right, and justice, and amity, are believed to be not yet strong enough to keep each nation within its lawful bounds.

This is the just cause why we maintain a standing army, and a naval establishment. So regarded, they are right and good. They are essential props of the body politic. Without them confusion, anarchy, loss, must ensue. But they change their essential character when they are regarded as desirable in themselves, and when their distinctively peaceful design is put out of sight. When a nation becomes military-when a military ideal is before it, and a military spirit is cherished-in just the degree in which it yields to that spirit has it departed from the line of wisdom, and it then begins to convert a blessing into a curse. Every man in its army or navy, every penny in its army estimate, more than is wanted for purposes of defence, is a dead loss to the nation, a deduction from its producing power, a weight needlessly borne, a wanton destruction of so much of its riches. To adopt warlike principles, to cultivate a warlike tone, and keep up a larger army than is needed, is conduct of precisely the same degree of stupidity as if a nation should employ a larger force of police, magistrates, and judges than public safety demands, and should pride itself on the fierce and bellicose tone by which the whole posse was inspired. Such a policy is, in its essence, precisely the same as imposing a protective duty on the common necessaries of life. It is making us pay more for safety