thereby get the British tariff:-it must be confidered first by the parliament of England; and if it appeared improper to them, they would ftop it in limine. In voting for the refolution, the House would give to the British parliament an opportunity of difcuffing the question, and of expofing that commercial folly, which it was faid exifted. He thought, therefore, they ought not adjourn the question, until a comprehenfion of mind was restored to the people of Great Britain.

He did not doubt, he faid, but Great Britain had a regard for Ireland: fhe ought to have it. If fhe had been formerly impreffed with the famè fentiments, fhe would at the present day be the most powerful empire on earth. At that inauspicious period, when the woollen trade of Ireland was furrendered to British monopoly, there were but 34 gentlemen in this Houfe to come forward in behalf of their country and if the Houfe fhould this night vote for the queftion of adjournment, he did not think they would be much better. He could not help impreffing on the mind of the right hon. gentlemen the injustice of admitting France to commercial advantages from which Ireland is excluded. To give, he said, an idea of the commercial difadvantages under which Ireland labours, in her intercourse with England, it might not be unneceffary to state a few items from the tariffs of both countries, How then ftand the tariffs on woollen cloths, or what is called old drapery ?-In Great Britain, there is an import duty of 21. os. 6d. per yard on Irish woollens; while the duty on English woollens imported into Ireland, amounts to no more than 50d. per yard !— On woollen stuffs and mixed goods, or what is called new drapery, the fame fyftem of hoftility to the manufactures of Ireland has been followed by the parliament of Great Britain. The import duty from Ireland into England is 65. per yard; and from Great Britain here, only 1dh. Cotton

goods

goods were admitted here at a duty of 10 per cent.-in England the duty is 30 per cent. Printed linens, notwithftanding all that is faid of the protection afforded by Great Britain to the linen manufacture of Ireland, are subject to an import duty there of 65 per cent. while here they are admitted at 10 per cent. Our manufacture has been conEidered fufficient for upwards of four million of people; but he would beg to know, was not fuch a difproportion of duties calculated to deftroy even that? Ireland had not, he faid, been more than thirty years in poffeffion of the manufacture of printed linens, when England laid on a heavier duty, to enable her to rival us. After trying the experiment, the found fhe could not; and the consequence was, that the trade went into the hands of the Germans, the Hollanders, and the Swifs. Thus the trade was lost to Ireland, without being the smallest advantage to Great Britain. The manufacture of fail-cloth in like manner, was rifing in this country, about the year 1750, to a very flourishing state, until checked by the monopolizing spirit of England; which, however, has not been productive to the latter nation of any advantage. So that Ireland might, with respect to thefe particulars, tell Great Britain, you have "robbed us of that which nought enriched you, but makes us poor indeed."

He obferved that when, in the year 1785, this nation was given to understand that a commercial adjustment with Great Britain was about to take place, 140,000l. annually, of new taxes, were impofed on that prefumption; and to this day the nation remains without any equivalent. We cheerfully acceded, laft feffions of parliament, to the monopoly of the India Company for 21 years, and at that time the noble lord who conducted the affairs of government, faid the accommodation fhould take place.

He

He made no doubt but fome gentlemen would be highly gratified that the feffion fhould pafs over without any de-` bate thefe might, however, find themfelves difappointed. Nations, he faid, were born to affift nations, in like manner as men were born to affift men; and the more exactly Great Britain and Ireland fquared their reciprocal commercial and political intercourse by this maxim, the more profperous would be the common affairs of both.-England was peculiarly adapted to the manufacture of fine woollen cloaths, and might, therefore, leave to Ireland the advantages on courfe woollens. It begins now to be known, that the spirit of monopoly is as injurious to trade, as that of conqueft is to the happiness of fociety. It is better for mankind to affift each other, than deftroy each other. The tendency to the former is natural to the human heart, and is done by the wisdom of God; the latter proceeds only from the depraved policy of man. The confequence of depriving Ireland of the woollen manufacture was to throw that trade directly into the hands of France, to the detri ment of Great Britan, And Sir Mathew Decker, than whom no higher authority on the subject of trade can be adduced, is of opinion, that the rivalry of France would not have become fo formidable to Great Britain, but for the reftrictions laid on the woollen trade of Ireland: and if the two nations would not fuffer themfelves to be divided in fentiment on account of the narrow gut of ocean which separates them, they would both become more great and profperous. This feffion a great fubfidy had, he faid, been voted to Great Britain, for the purpose of carrying on the war with the greater effect.-Are we then to be joined in war with Great Britain, but excluded from her commerce? -The linen manufacture may, perhaps, be fufficient for Ulfter; but is Munfter to droop in poverty? He entertained too high an opinion of the British minifters, to think they would yield to the folly of the manufacturers, or be

E.

thereby

VOL. III.

thereby induced to poftpone measures, which they must be convinced are for the common intereft of the empire. When a commercial adjustment was in difcuffion in the year 1785, the British manufacturers only mentioned their doubts to the ministry, with refpect to the manufactures of glass, pottery, and a few other trifling articles. He would be glad to know what new circumftance had produced the present alleged irritation? The refolution propofed by the right hon. gentleman did not go to agitate any political question. It went only to procure the British duties to be lowered to the Irish tariff, which must be finally adjusted in the parlia ment of Great Britain. And he thought that in voting the refolution, we were but doing our duty as the reprefentatives of Ireland.

Mr. Vandeleur faid that the year 1779, when this queftion was first brought forward, was a period of more anxiety to Great Britain than the present. The right hon. gentleman may, thereby, be under no apprehenfion to permit the queftion to go before the British parliament. It cannot prove irritating to any British manufacturer of understanding. The woollen trade of Ireland being now reduced to a very low ftate, he could not believe the affertion founded, that the agitation of the prefent question had caused irritation in the people of Great Britain ;---but if it had, it ought to be finally fettled.---Since the trade of Scotland had been relieved from reftrictions, a new manufacture had arifen in that country without injuring the trade of England; and if the restrictions were taken off the Irish trade, the fame thing might happen here. Since 1779, when the first relaxation of the commercial restraints of Ireland took place, the manufactures of England had entered here in greater quantities than ever; fo that, inftead of being disadvantageous to Great Britain, it has been beneficial. The yearly amount of the British manufactures imported here at that period amounted

only

only to 300,000l. whereas last year they amounted to 800,000l. The opening therefore of the ports of Ireland to export her manufactures, has ferved England materially. After fome obfervations, he concluded with faying, that if the right hon. gentleman would fatisfy the Houfe, that he would fubmit the cafe to the English government, he would be fatisfied; otherwife he would vote for the question.

Mr Ponfenby. Mr. Corry, and Mr. Brooke, fupported the motion for paffing the refolution; and the question being loudly called for,

Mr. Grattan faid, that as both fides of the house feemed perfectly fatisfied of the juftice and propriety of the accommodation fought for, he would not therefore divide the house on the question, as it might imply a distraction of fen timent, which did not exift; although if the previous queftion was put on the refolution, he could not, for confiftency fake, but vote against it.

On the 4th of March, Mr. Wm. Brabazon Ponsonby rofe to prefent this promised bill, for amending and improving the state of the representation of the people in parliament.-Laft feffion, he said, he took up the fubject. The bill, which towards the clofe of it was prefented by his right hon. relative in his abfence, had been received in such a manner as induced him to hope that its principle met the approbation of the House. He could not, however, foresee what reception the bill which he was now about to present would receive. He knew not whether the country or the house had changed their opinion on the subject, but for himself, he certainly had not changed his opinion. On the contrary, what had happened fince that time had rendered his opinion more decifive. There was one capital objection which then exifted against the measure, but which is