act, famous undertaking, the conquering of "the liberty of the seas," and which, after being suspended, time after tune for nearly two years, has, with singular good luck, been put into actual execution, just at the time, when the emperos Napoleon, and Alexander have notified to the world, that it is not, at present, their intention to conquer the liberty of the seas. -------- By a re ference to this act, it will be perceived, that, comparatively speaking, few articles of our goods are prohibited; but, particularly, woollen, of which the Americans in port Lule of a fine quality, they, in this prohibit the importation of none but the very finest. Yet, the observance of this act, narrow as are the limits of its extent, they would not, either in peace or war, be able to enforce for nine months. They allow the importation of goods from the Cape of Good Hope, or beyond it ; but, that channel will, I should suppose, soon be stopped. The chief point for observation, however, at present, is this, that this hostile act was passed, as will be seen by a reference to it, on the 19th of April, 1895, a year and a half before the affair of the Chesapeake took place, and long before any of our orders of council, restraining American com merce, were thought of This act wäɔ passed for the obvious, nay, the acknowTedged and declared purpose, of compeling England to accede to the demands of America Of those demands we have before spoken; but, whatever they were, it is of importance to bear in mind, that this act of expected compulsion, this act of, at least, more than dem-castility, was passed a year and a half before the affair of the Chesapeake took place. Let us not be told, then, that we have sirred up a war with America by our attack upon that vessel, or by our orders of council.- The ground of the non-importativi act was, as far as I have been informed, a refusal, on our part, to yield to a demand, made on the part of America, that we should enter into a stipulation, that, in future, no American' vessel, of whatever name or description, should, “in any case, be detained, or searched, for 46 6. men. The author of a pamphlet, cutithe “WAR, OR NO WAR 'published at New York, in December last, has, by way of stricture upon this demand, the following passage. -- Then, John Stiles may send a vessel from Philadelphia to Liverpool, "under the American flag, and while lying "there, should four bigt, waymen, who had committed robbery with murder, take resuge aboard her, they may be completely protected, and carried to any gins the distinction of being able to protect the traitor, the murderer, the "robber, the spy or the enemy of any nation, against British authority: for Great "Britain bas right to search his ship for men. Few, I believe, will be inclined "to carry the rights of John Stiles so far. "Yet the doctrine, as laid down, and as " contended for by many of the supporters "of our sagacious president, goes com pletely this length. Whether the great man has actually instructed his ministers "in London to this effect, as his friends say, is not for me to affirm. But if he bas, "I may say with much sincerity, that if “it should not increase my conviction of his "weakness and inconsistency, it would of his rashness,”. -The same writer says: "nulutudes of English, Scotch, and Irish sea-faring men become possessed of cert bates of naturalization by purchase, or Ly perjury, as soon as they have fairly got foot on our -sheres. The fraudulent "manner, in which they are covered, or attempted to be so, by American protec "tions, has so often been detected, that "it has brought a serious imparation upon our national character." Now, though the writer, here quoted, may be well disposed towards England, and also of the party opposed to Mr. Jefferson; yet, he would not have ventured to make a statement like this, and at such a time, too, had it not been undeniably true. I cite it merely ja corroboration of my own statements upon the subject; for to ine the knowledge of the facts has long been familiar.It is probable that Mr. Jefferson would have contented himself with some. thing short of the rights of John Stiles;" he would, perhaps, upon our supplication, have so modified the demanded stipulation, as to have left us at liberty to prevent him from sheltering felons in England, and from conveying the enemy's troops to our shores; but, if a whole ship's crew had deserted to his ships, he would have protected them all. The extent of the mischief, which would have arisen to us, from acceding to this demand, sets all calculation at defiance. With our right of search duly executed, and with the consequent continual dread, an our the part of the deserters, of being taken and prnished, the Americans have now some, thousands of our seamen on board their ships; what would that number be, then, if it were proclaimed, through our fleets and squadrons, that, by solemn treaty, we had bound ourselves not to touch any man, who should be found on board of an American ship, American ships being in all the ports and parts of the world? It is evident, that such a treaty would unman navy. It would unman any navy; for, where is the sailor, English, American, French, or any other, who would not accept of such offers, if held out to him? But, it was precisely because they knew that it would have this effect, that the Americans demanded it at our hands, To join in the fight they were not disposed. They thought we were hard pressed. They thought England was down, and to use the words of their judge, Rutledge, upon a former occasion, they would gladly have seized her by the throat"; but, like Falstaff, they had some fears that she might rise again, or, at least, give them a blow in her last convulsive agonies; and,, therefore. to unite safety with enterprize, they resolved to proceed in imitation of their great Sangrado-like physician, DR. RUSH, that is to say, insinuate a lancet into her veins, let her bleed, to use one of his phrases, till. she was 68 as white as-New-Jersey veal", and, when she became motionless, approach her, and; with the malice of fiends, snigger in her face. This was their plan of operations; this was the design of the "mild, un"offending, and peaceable American peo ple"; and, yet, there are Englishmen, or an Englishman.' (for, I should hope that the editor of the Morning Chronicle is the only one), who has the assurance to hold out to the public, that this people was to be " won by concession."The Courier newspaper has published an extract of a letter, from Capt. WILLAUMEZ to General Turreau, the French 'minister in the United States, which extract I here insert, after observing, that it is stated, that the Captain met the brig, which he mentions, at sea.—“ I have just apprehended four seamen deserters from the Valeureuse frigate, which I found on board an American brig, "where they had engaged at seventeen "dollars per month. Now, Sir, if you " can succeed in making the American "Government pay down a compensation "for this misconduct in seducing thus our seamen, you will punish it by making it smart in that point in which it feels the ff most; viz. its avarice in money, and "with so much the more justice, that "these people have for three years past "been continually injuring our marine, by seducing our best scamen".- -Now, this letter, which bears date, on board the Foudrovant, at the Havannah, 25th October, 1805, is hardly a counterfeit; and, we have never heard of any de mands, made, by the American, government, upon France, touching this searching for seamen. And yet, why not upon France as well as upon England? Why, they hate "us and love the French." That is a very good reason for their partial conduct; bur ́a very bad one for our hoping to win them by concessions; by further concessions, I should say; for we have been making concessions to them for fifteen years past. This letter wears all the appearance of authenticity; and the sentiments are precisely those, which the French entertain with respect to the American government, which they despise beyond the power of decent words to express; to a degree, indeed, that I have sometimes thought to surpass the bounds of strict justice. Yet does it cling to them. It's love appears to be attracted and preserved by contempt. The real fact is this, that the Americans hate the French rather more than they hate us, personally; but, they fear them, and our cowardly conduct, for several years past; indeed, ever since the peace of 1783, has made them despise as well as hate us. I have before given my opinion as to the incapacity of America to carry on war, without producing her own destruction as a federative union of States. I will, now from the pamphlet, above quoted, shew the reader what is written and published upon the subject, in America. Suppose the author of " WAR, or NO WAR", to be a party opponent of Mr. Jefferson; yet, where facts are stated, and that, too, in such a form, there must be sonte truth whereon for them to rest: or, at least, it is pretty evident, that they are generally admitted as truths.-- *. Our "commercial source of finance" (that is to say; the collections at the custom-house) produces annually somewhat above fifteen "millions of dollars (or £3,375,000). A very few ships of the enemy might rob us of it; and not only so, but also lay ❝our commercial towns in ashes, anniba lating our property to an incalculable " amount. If this stream of revenue should be dried up, where could we look for sapport? Where is our system of internal taxation? Where should we find means to pay a direct tax should it be levied? Our commerce once gone, and our means " of raising ready money are gone with it. We fortunately have no mines of considerable value; and it is notorious, we have very little coin remaining in the cof"fers of our citizens. Hence we can look to commerce, and to commerce alone, to fill our treasury; which, without it, would very soon be empty. The whole of our revenue at this time arising from other sources, would not half pay our civil list. Hence we perceive, we are leaving to the "mercy of every maritime foe, the only 46 means we have in our power, for an easy "and adequate support of our government. "Let us suppose, that a war with Great "Britain at this moment existed. Whence "should we derive a revenue to carry it on? "From our commerce it will be answered. "But four-fifths of our commerce, to speak "moderately, would be immediately an"nihilated. From our trading towns, and "banks of deposit. Very well; but would "not our trading towns be either burnt or "plundered? Or supposing, contrary to reason, that neither of these happened to any one of them; their business being "interrupted, would they not be obliged to "cast their dependence npon the country "instead of supporting government? How many who now find full employment, "would be obliged to turn vagrants for "sustenance ? How many now in af"fluence, would soon be reduced to po 46 verty? Our doors are open; and the rob"ber may enter and plunder as he pleases. "Our banks of deposit, however, would af"ford a temporary supply. But who will invade private property, to gain an ig"nominious respite? I grant you, a very "good republican might; but then it would "be only to borrow it; and no one could "be under apprehension but that it would "be scrupulously returned, with interest. "But again, another difficulty would arise. "Our banks contain little else but fictitious "capital; they might emit paper in abun dance; yet, in a time of doubt and un"certainty, what scheme would give it cur"rency? The stockholder would by no means find himself exempt from the ge"neral calamity. On the contrary, his "bubble would burst; and he would tell word war (with England), then, takes away four fifths of the whole revenue; nor, let it be forgotten, that nearly one half of this whole revenue is wanted to pay the interest of the national debt. Where, then, if they have war with us, are the stockholders to find their next year's dividends? Are they to come from internal taxes to be imposed? "King Cong" knows well, that it would be safer for him to thrust his head, hydra as it is, into the fire, than attempt to impose internal taxes, the total amount of which should equal a quarter part of the taxes now arising from English goods. How farcical is it, then, to talk of this people making " a navy," and "fortifications," and "raising an army." That they might make an inroad into Upper Canada is probable enough; because the people of Hampshire might easily invade Surrey; but, they will never reach Lower Canada; and, if they were to do it, and to conquer wild woods, seeing that the liberty of the seas" is not so easily conquered, what would they gain?" They cry," says the writer above quoted," for "more land, although we cannot cultivate, or even raise boundaries to, the fiftieth "part of what we already have in pos "session for an extension of jurisdiction "they cry, although, from its enormous "size, the Union is already threatened with "dismemberment."I have spoken before of the "American navy" and fortifications. In terms very contemptuous certainly; but, as will appear from the next and last extract I shall make from this pam phlet, not beyond the truth.“ The na 66 vy has been sold, burut, and wasted away, "until it has almost disappeared. Our arms, arsenals and military stores, instead "of receiving considerable augmentation, "have suffered all the diminution of ac"cident and decay. The fortifications of our different harbours were in a condi"tion to prevent our being the derision of "an invading enemy. These have been "demolished, or have mouldered back to "earth, until you can scarcely find a piece "of ordnance mounted for a signal gun. "Where is the ship that has been built? "Where the barrier raised against inva"sion? Where the preparation for defence "worthy of mention? None is to be found "along our extensive and exposed coast. "The timber and materials for putting "afloat the ships of the line, authorized by "law, are gone with the rest; while the "ruins only remain, to reproach us for our by barely pronouncing the word war, fourjestyin the execution of this duty, so far fifths of their revenue. This is the people, whom the Morning Chronicle would fain persuade us to fear; would fain persoade us to make new concessions to, in order to appease their writh-fat, I shall be asked," how did they carry on war before, "without revenue?" Oh, oh! You mean they should go to work again to the making of paper money, and to the taking of people's goods by force with that money, and to the confiscating of the property of Tories (or rich men, and to the paying off old score, with an act of " King Cong;" in short, you mean, that there should be another revolution. That is quite another thing; and, it is a thing, too, which if they do go to war, you will certainly see take place, their war against us (for it is they who make it) being evidently destined to terminate, like the war, which, as the table tells us, was, by the glasses and dishes combined, made against the hammer. Botley, Jan. 21, 1809. KING'S SPEECH. On Thursday. the 21st of January, 1808, the two Houses of Parliament having met, the Session was opened by Commission, with the following Speech, which was read by the Lord Chancellor. as related to the Danish fleet, his Majesty has commanded us to assure you, that it was with the deepest reluctance that his Majesty found himself compelled, after his earnest endeavours to open a negociation with the Danish government had failed, to authorise his commanders to resort to the extremity of force, but that he has the greatest satisfaction in congratulating you upon the successful execution of this painful, but necessary service-We are further commanded to acquaint you, that the course which his Majesty had to pursue with respect to Portugal, was happily of a nature more conge nial to his Majesty's feelings. The timely and unreserved communication by the court of Lisbon of the demands and designs of France, while it confirmed to his Majesty the authenticity of the advices which he had received from other quarters, entitled that court to his Majesty's confidence in the sincerity of the assurances by which that communication was accompanied.-The fleet of Portugal was destined by France to be employed as an instrament of vengeance against Great Britain. That fleet has been secured from the grasp of France, and is now employed in conveying to its American dominions the hopes and fortunes of the Portuguese monarchy. His Majesty implores the protection of Divine Providence upon that My Lords and Gentlemen,-We have enterprise, rejoicing in the preservation of received his Majesty's commands to assure a power so long the friend and ally of Great you, that in calling you together at this im- Britain; and in the prospect of its establishportant conjuncture of affairs, he entertains ment in the new world with augmented the most perfect conviction, that he shall strength and splendor.-We have it in comfind in you the same determination with mand from his Majesty to inform you, that which his Majesty himself is animated, to the determination of the enemy to excite uphold the honour of his crown, and the hostilities between his Majesty and his late just rights and interests of his people.We allies, the Emperors of Russia and Austria, are commanded by his Majesty to inform and the King of Prussia, has been but too you, that no sooner had the result of the successful; and that the ministers from those negociations at Tilsit, confirmed the inpowers have demanded and received their fluence and control of France over, the passports. This measure, on the part of powers of the continent, than his Majesty Russia, has been attempted to be justified was apprized of the intentions of the enemy by a statement of wrongs and grievances to combine those powers in one general con- which have no real foundation. The Emfederacy, to be directed either to the entire peror of Russia had indeed proffered his niesubjugation of this kingdom, or to the im- diation between his Majesty and France. posing upon his Majesty an insecure and ig- His Majesty did not refuse that mediation, nominious peace-That for this purpose, it but he is confident you will feel the proprie was determined to force into hostility against ty of its not having been accepted until his his Majesty, states which had hitherto been Majesty should have been enabled to ascerallowed by France to maintain or to purtain that Russia was in a condition to mechase their neutrality; and to bring to bear, against different points of his Majesty's dominions, the whole of the naval force of Europe, and specifically the feets of Portugal and Denmark. To place those fleets out of the power of such a contederacy became therefore the indispensable duty of his Ma diate impartially, and until the principles of the basis on which France was ready to negociate were made known to his Majesty No pretence of justification has been alledged for the hostile conduct of the Emperor of Austria, or for that of his Prussian Majesty. -His Majesty has not given the slightet ground of complaint to either of those sovereigns, nor even at the moment when they have respectively withdrawn their ministers, have they assigned to his Majesty any distinct cause for that proceeding.-His Majesty has directed that copies of the corre spondence between his Majesty's ambassador and the minister for foreign affairs of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, during the negociations at Tilsit, and the official note of the Russian minister at this court, containing the offer of his Imperial Majesty's mediation between his Majesty and France, together with the answer returned to that note by his Majesty's command; and also copies of the official notes, presented by the Austrian minister at this court, and of the answers which his Majesty commanded to be returned to them, should be laid before you.It is with concern that his Majesty commands us to inform you, that notwithstanding his earnest wishes to terminate the war in which he is engaged with the Ottoman Porte, his Majesty's endeavours, unhappily for the Turkish empire, have been defeated by the machinations of France, not less the enemy of the Porte than of Great Britain. But while the influence of France has been thus unfortunately successful in preventing the termination of existing hostilities, and in exciting new war against this country, his Majesty commands us to inform you that the King of Sweden has resisted every attempt to induce him to abandon his alliance with Great Britain; and that his Majesty entertains no doubt that you will feel with him the sacredness of the duty which the firmness and fidelity of the King of Sweden impose upon his Majesty; and that you will concur in enabling his Majesty to discharge it in a manner worthy of this country. It remains for us, according to his Majesty's command, to state to you that the Treaty of Commerce and Amity between his Majesty and the United States admit. His Majesty, nevertheless, hopes that the American government will be actuated by the same desire to preserve the relations of peace and friendship between the two countries which has ever influenced his Majesty's conduct, and that any ditficulties in the discussion now pending may be efectually removed. His Majesty has commanded me to state to you, that in consequence of the decree by which France declared the whole of his Majesty's dominions to be in a state of blockade, and subjected to seizure and confiscation, the produce and manufactures of his kingdom, his Majesty resorted, in the first instance, to a measure of mitigated retaliation; and that this measure having proved ineffectual for its object, his Majesty has since found it necessary to adopt others of greater vigour, which, be commands us to state to you, will require the aid of Parliament to give them complete and effectual operation. His Majesty has directed copies of the orders which he has issued with the advice of his Privy Council upon this subject to be laid before you, and he commands us to recommend them to your early attention. His Gentlemen of the House of Commons,-His Majesty has directed the esti mates for the ensuing year to be laid before you, in the fullest confidence that your loyalty and public spirit will induce you to make such provision for the public service as the urgency of affairs may require. Majesty has great satisfaction in informing you, that, notwithstanding the difficulties which the enemy has endeavoured to impose upon the Commerce of his Subjects, and upon their Intercourse with other Nations, the Resources of the Country have continued in the last year to be so abundant, as to have produced, both from the permanent and temporary revenue, a receipt considerably larger than that of the preceding year.-The satisfaction which his Majesty teels assured you will derive, in common with his Ma of America which was concluded and sign-jesty, from this proof of the solidity of ed by commissioners duly authorized for that purpose, on the 31st of December, 1800, has not taken effect, in consequence of the refusal of the President of the United States to ratify that instrument. For an unauthorised act of force committed against an American ship or war his Majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate and spontaneous reparation. But an attempt has been made by the American government to connect with the question which has arisen out of this act, pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain: such pretensions his Majesty is determined never to these Resources, cannot but be greatly increased, if, as his Majesty confidently hopes, it shall be found possible to raise the necessary Supplies for the present year without any material addition to the Public Burthens. My Lords and Gentlemen,--We are especially commanded to say to you, in the naine of his Majesty, that, if ever there was a just and National War, it is that which his Majesty is now compelled to prosecute. This War is in its principle purely Defensive. His Majesty looks ht to the attainment of a secure and honourable |