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ing the existence of the right? Upon the same principle, that commerce ought to be preferred to every thing else, they would, in all likelihood, have acted after the peace of Tilsit; and, then, instead of throwing Napoleon and his vassal states into consternation, as we now have, we should have been totally occupied in sending negociations to Paris, and in looking out for the enemy's flotilla.II. A Petition from a late Grand Jury of the county of Middlesex, complaining of certain enormities in the management of the Cold-Bath-Fields prison, was, a few days past, brought before parliament by Mr. Sheridan (who, while in office, said not a word about abuses of any sort); but, it was withdrawn, at the suggestion of the ministers, because it purport. ed to be the petition of a grand jury who were no longer a grand jury. The object of this was, of course, to obtain delay, and to take from the petition a part, at least, of its consequence. It was presented the next day, signed by the foreman of the grand jury, in his private capacity; so that, it is now the petition of one individual, instead of being that of the Grand Inquest of a County. The substance of the petitionriously and devoutly prayed for, &c." he ve

become, by its own intrinsic merit, the object of general attention and perusal, it imposes on its author a sort of necessity to preserve the character it has acquired, by admitting into its pages such contributions only, as have some merit at least to recommend them. The first requisite for good writing is good sense, and sound argument. An ingredient, almost as necessary, is good grammar. And although, where the former obtain, a few small errors in the latter may be easily overlooked; yet when the language made use of is as barbarous and ungrammatical, as the facts are false, and the arguments inconclusive, you need not fear to incur the loss of your merited reputation for impartiality, by refusing to admit such compositions into your Register: and I am sure your readers in general would have thanked you, if you had spared them the trouble of labouring through the sapient reflexions of your sagacions correspondent, J. F. D. the tythe bater of Taunton. After having observed, "that there is no business of a domestic nature likely to come before parliament of an equal weight and importance than the subject of tithes, as the abolition of which is se

has been given in the news-papers; but, I do not choose to offer any remarks upon it, until I can lay it before my readers at full length. It is truly curious to observe how indifferent and cold the opposition appear to have been upon this subject. No animation; none of that eagerness which they discover in pleading the cause of the "poor, "harmless, suffering Danes." The prischers in Cold-Bath-Fields prison are their countrymen, and are entitled to their protection; but, then, there was, in all prcbability, nothing to be gotten; no debating triumph to be obtained, in this case; and, there was, on the other side, the fearful consideration of what might happen in the way of indirectly giving credit to the former exertions of Sir Francis Burdett. The petition, however, neither party, nor both together, can stifle. It must appear in print; and it is one of the things, which will, in the end, produce those effects, which every good man so anxiously wishes for. Along with the petition should appear the names of all the persons, who signed the first petition; for the public will very well know how to decide upon the question of informality."

Botley, 25th February, 1908.

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ry sagaciously tells us, that nothing can ameliorate this most abominable impost but a total abolition. This appears to me a curious way of mending a thing. And to mend the matter still more, he proposes an equally curious mode of abolition; viz. by commutation. I always thought till now that Tatinton had been in the South of England; but, I conclude that I have been under a mistake, and suspect that it is situate in the North of Ireland. J. F. D. then tells us that our churches are deserted, and our religion declines; because, what? Because the farmer, who rents his land is subject to the payment of tythes; and who, therefore, pays so much less rent to his landlord as the tythe is worth, wants to cheat the person who is intitled to that tythe of his just dues. For (as D. X. in the next letter has truly said) the owner of the tythe has as good a right to that tythe, as the owner of the land has to his rent: the law, and prescription, which is a branch of the law, has given it to him. Is not this the fact, Mr. Cobbett? And if it be so, is this honest? In 99 cases out of 100 of the disputes that occur between the owner and tythe payer, is not the main cause of them to be found in the unjustifiable attempts on the part of the latter to beat down the other, and compel him to accept a very inferior and unequal price for his tythe? It is almost universally true, that when a new incumbent appears in a parish, a combi

nation of the farmers is immediately formed
to barrass him into an acceptance of their
own terms: a natural feeling of resentment
against oppression frequently urges the ty the
owner to resist such attempts, and he resolves
to take his tythe in kind: this again irritates
the farmers, who "work him up" as the
phrase is in the poor rates and so the quar-
rel continues with mutual aggravations: but,
as I said before, it generally originates in the
uajust and unmanly attack of the multitude
against the individual, in their base attempts
to make an unfair bargain with him in the
outset, whether he be a lay improprietor, or
a member of the church.-J. F. D. then con-
descends to let us into a very great secret,
viz. that disputes at law of a very serious im-
port, frequently arise from frivolous causes.
But, surely, Sir, we do not want an oracle
from Taunton to tell us that. We know
very well that the feather of a partridge, or
the scent of a hare has given rise to more li
tigation, than all the disputes about tythes
that have been agitated since the days of
Archbishop Winchelsey, 500 years ago. (No
bad argument this, by the bye, in favour of
a position of your own, Mr. C. that a pro-
pensity to war, or to fight, which is war, is a
passion natural to all the creation) But
what has this to do with the right to tythes?
Does J. F. D. seriously think that if his
Bashaw tythemonger harboured a pique
against his friend, he would not have con-
trived to indulge it even if he had been no
tythemonger? A pack of fox hounds would
have done the business as effectually. But
this is not an evil arising out of the tythes,
but from the malevolent spirit of man.
defy J. F. D. and all the Solomons of Taun-
ton Dean to contradict me in the assertion,
that if my rich neighbour injures me, a poor
cottager, by turning his trace horses into my
little field of wheat, and trampling the corn
which is to feed my family, or by leaving
open the gate of the next field, and giving
access to other cattle, and thereby doing me
considerable damage, or by throwing down
my fences and carrying off my corn before
the tythe is set out, a jury of my Somerset-
shire neighbours will teach him a better les-
son, and give me ample redress for the in-
jury and insult. And the greater the dis-
rance in point of rank and fortune between
me and my oppressor, the more signal will
be their visitation upon him for his injustice.
This, Sir, is not mere theory: every circuit
brings it into practice-Observe, Mr. Cob-
bett, that I am not defeuding the policy of
the present system of tything: but let not
those whose right to tythies is as indisputable
as that of a lord of a manor to his fines (a

I

right scarcely less obnoxious than the other) or of any land owner to his rents, be hunted down and persecuted for claiming their own: let not the right be loaded with an abuse which belongs not to it: let us not remedy one evil by substituting a greater and above all, let us do as we would be done by, and render unto every man his due. I dare say, were I a farmer, I should rather not let the parson's team into my field: but considering duly that 9 tenths only of its produce belonged to myself by the law of the land, and that the remaining tenth by the law of the land belonged to some one else (no matter whom it not being mine) I do think without complimenting myself too highly, I should have honesty enough to offer him a fair price for it; if we happened to differ about that price, which if it were a fair one, would very rarely happen, I should propose to call in an honest surveyor, who knew the value of the thing, and would do what is right between man and man, and abide by his deci sion.

And where is the tythe owner, Mr. C. who would reject this offer? Or rather, where is the farmer who is honest and just enough to make it ?-I protest, Sir, I have not seen or heard of any plan that appears to me so likely to reconcile the shepherd to his flock, and to cut up by the roots that prolific source of parochial contention, the quarrels about tythes, as the appointmentunder the authority of parliament by the magistrates of each county, of a competent person in each parish as a surveyor and assessor, who should be sworn to a due and impartial discharge of his duty, and subject to a heavy fine for every breach of it, whose duty it should be to assess and ascertain the value of every tythable article: for which he might be paid by a poundage or percentage to be limited by statute, and to be borne equally by both parties, who should be bound by the assessment so to be made. This plan I think at least as likely to fill our churches, and restore unanimity, cordiality, and brotherly love between all ranks, as J. F. D.'s plan of amelioration by means of abolition, brought about by commutation. If you think these strictures worth your notice, I am sure they will receive it. But if they should not find a place in your Register, I shall not quarrel with your impartiality, being sure to find your pages filled with better matter than can ever flow from the pen of your constant reader and admirer.-SUUM CUIQUE.-Feb, 17, 1808

P. S. From a passage or two in the Taunton Apollo's letter, about a revolution and change of government, I am almost inclined to suspect that something more is meant

than meets the ear, and that whilst be pretends to quarrel merely with tythes in the ordinary acceptation of the word, he in fact, means to convey a sly censure ou administration, who have not only sanctioned, but adopted the principle of tything in an unli mited extent, by taking from the subject a tenth of the whole produce of the country of every denomination. O, ho! Mr. Slyboots!!

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

Letter from Count Bernstorff, Danish Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Baron Wet terstedt, First Secretary of the Cabinet of his Swedish Majesty-Kiel, Oct. 17th,

1807.

(Continued from page 320)

Swedish Majesty. The latter having judged
a mode of communication inadmissible,
which, from the absence of the Swedish em-
bassy, and the interruption of direct corres-
pondence with Stockholm, appeared to the
undersigned the only way, and, at the same
time, the speediest and most authentic mode
of communication. It only remains to re-
quest Baron Taube will have the goodness
to express to his court the wish contained in
the note addressed to the aforesaid Baron.-
It is of material importance for the Danish
government to be enabled to refute, in an
authentic manner, an invidious charge, clear-
ly destined to compromise a sovereign,
whose loyalty is above all suspicion, to make
him share in the odium, which attaches to a
conduct equally atrocious and perfidious, and
to produce a misunderstanding between Swe-
den and Denmark.The undersigned re-
quests Baron Taube to accept the assurance
of his high consideration.-
Note addressed by Baron Taube to Count
Bernstorff, Minister of Stute. Kiel, No-
vember 5, 1807.

The undersigned Swedish Chargé d'Affaires has just received the note, with which his Excellency Count Bernstorff, has this

The loyalty of the sovereign, whose intention it is thus attempted to calumniate, and the nature of the relations which subsist between Denmark and Sweden, sufficiently prove the falsity of that insilious assertion. -But we shall feel great satisfaction to be authorised by his Swedish Majesty himself, to answer by a formal denial an insinuation more injurious to him, than it is to us. This, Sir, is the only motive which induces me to demand of you a frank and positive explana-day honoured him.-Although the events tion on this subject-I take leave to request you will send it me by the bearer of this letter, Mr. de Holsten, Lieutenant of the Royal Navy.--I feel happy in having an opportunity of calling me to your recollec tion, and of offering you the assurance of my high consideration.

Answer from Baron Wetterstedt, Minister of
State. Helsinbourgh, Oct 27, 1807.

I had this afternoon the honour to re-
ceive, through Lieutenant Holsten, the let-
ter which your Excellency has addressed to
me, dated the 17th October.-As the duties
of my place do not allow me to deviate from
the regular mode of official communication
between the two courts, your Excellency
will permit me to restrict myself entirely to
acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and
to express to you the happiness I feel in hav-
ing the opportunity of renewing to you the
assurance of the high consideration with
which I have the honour to be, &c.
Note addressed by the Minister of State,
Count Bernstorff, to Baron Taube, Charge
d'Affaires of his Swedish Majesty. Kiel,
Nov. 5, 1807.

The annexed copy will inform Baron Taube of the object of a communication, which the Undersigned, Minister of State, thought it right to address to Baron Wetterstedt, First Secretary of the Cabinet of his

which have taken place, as well as the season,
seem already to re olve the question which
forms the object of your Excellency's note,
the undersigned will take the earliest oppor-
tunity to bring it to the knowledge of his
master, and flatters himself, he shall soon be
able to return the answer.-The undersign-
ed avails himself with pleasure of this op-
portunity, to request his Excellency will be
pleased to accept the assurance of his sincere
respect.

Note addressed by Baron Taube to Count
Bernstorff, Director of the Department of
Foreign Affairs. Kiel, Nov. 24, 1807.

The undersigned has not failed to bring to the knowledge of the King, his master, the contents of the note which his Excellency Baron Bernstorff addressed to him, the 5th of November last, and of the copy which accompanied the same. It is by order of his court that the undersigned hastens to declare to the Danish minister, that all explanation with regard to the note above mentioned becomes superfluous, his Majesty being of opi nion that he ought solely to be judged by his actions, which he shall always know how to justify-The undersigned having the honour to present this answer to Count Bernstorff, Director of the Department of Foreign Af fairs, begs leave at the same time to repeat, the assurance of his high consideration

Note addressed by Count Bernstorff, Minister of State, to Baron Taube. Kiel, Dec. 4, 1807.

The undersigned, Director of the Department of Foreign Affairs, has had the honour to receive the note, which Baron Taube had the goodness to address to him on the 24th November, in order to declare that the court of Stockholm deems it superfluous to give the demanded explanation to the disposition which the English minister has thought himself authorised to send his Swedish Majesty with regard to Denmark. The Danish government thought to render a service to the Court of Sweden, by offering an opportunity to refute a charge which i. felt inclined to consider as caluminious, and which, so long as it remains undenied, cannot but compromise him against whom it is preferred. The said government is the more surprised at the refusal of the explanation solicited, as this refusal is but too liable to be considered as a tacit acknowledgment of the intentions which were announced to him in an official manner by the intimate ally of Sweden.-And these pretended intentions being alteady hostile against Denmark, she was the more of opinion that she owed it to herself to demand from the Swedish government a denial thereof, without waiting, that actions should furnish the necessary information on the subject. The reasons which occasioned the above demand existing still in all its force, the undersigned is authorized to expect here, and requests Baron Taube will have the goodness to support it at his court. He has the honour to repeat, on this occasion, the assurance of his high consideration.

Note addressed by Baron Taube to Count

Bernstorf-Kiel, Dec. 21st, 1807. The undersigned has brought the note to the knowledge of the King his Master, which Count Bernstorff had the goodness to address to him the 4th of December, touching the explanation required by the Court of Copenhagen, with regard to a pretended denunciation of intentions entertained by Sweden, to occupy the island of Zealand with Swedish troops. The King avoided once to explain himself on this subject; but as the Danish government required an answer, the undersigned is ordered to declare in an official manner-That had his Majesty judged it necessary to occupy Zealand with his troops, jointly with those of his ally, he should have done it; and the King wishes that he may never find himself in the case to regret that he acted otherwise. The undersigned has the honour to renew to Count Bernstorff the assurance of his high consideration.

FRANCE. January 20, 1808.-Motives of the Senatus Consultum upon the Conscription of 1809, declared by Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angely, Minister of State.

Senators, when your wisdom called out the conscripts of 1808, your wishes were directed towards the peace which signal victories had prepared-you wished to ensure new means of conquering and pacifying. The success surpassed your tropes-the flames of war are extinguished upon the Continent -a durable peace has been sworn between the two greatest Sovereigns in the world, and Europe has time to breathe.-But there is a government to which the repose of Europe is despair, to which peace is terror, to which discord is necessity, and war hope. England has replied to the offer of a generous mediation offered by the Emperor of Russia, by carrying fire and the sword into the territories of his most ancient ally, by professing more solemnly contempt of the rights of nations, by proclaiming more inhumanly the principle of eternal war. The indigna tion of all Sovereigns has replied to the injurious manifestos, to the cunning declarations, to the barbarous acts of the Cabinet of St. James. The predictions which the orators of his Majesty made to you a year ago in this Tribune are realized. It is, we said,

from the bosom of the Continent, which England would set in a flame, that henceforth a terrible war shall be waged against her. It is by applying to her on all the European shores the principles she has applied in all seas, that we shall bring her back to the ancient principles of the law of nations and of civilized states. It is by exiling her ships from all the coasts where we have soldiers and allies, that the English ministry will be punished for the culpable refusal of giving peace to the world.' Such, senators, were the words we addressed to you in speaking of the conscription of 1808, and behold a sacred and powerful league is formed to punish the English oligarchy, defend the rights of nations, and avenge humanity. From the Baltic to the Mediterranean, from the Nile to the Narva, but few points remain to the English ships where they can land, or where they are not forbidden to touch.-But it is not sufficient to have, by a just reciprocity, pronounced against England that dreadful sentence of outlawry; she must not be permitted to be at rest in the seat of her iniquitous domination, upon any of her coasts, in any of her colonies, under any points of the globe, which are not yet interdicted to her. It is necessary that, repelled from one part of the world, menaced in all others, England should know not where to direct the little military force of which she

has the disposal; and that our armies, more formidable than ever, should be ready to carry into her possessions our victorious and avenging eagles Such, gentlemen, are the motives which have determined his Majesty to demand a new conscription.-The levy of the preceding year has been, as you foresaw, the pledge of continental peace-the levy of this year will be the presage of a maritime peace. The pillage of the arsenal and port of Copenhagen-the emigration of the Portuguese fleet, have not yet left the Continent without ships.-Our legions can yet reach the English militia; Ireland may yet hope for succour against oppression; India may yet expect deliverers; and while our ancient phalanxes shall march to hasten the days of justice, new legions of young warriors shall be trained to discipline and to battle, under the paternal eye of those warlike magistrates, of those senators generals, who with so happy a zeal have already formed brave men to replace those whom war has snatched from the country, or who have been restored to their families.-His Majesty will have a superabundance of means to realise his pacific views, or to execute his warlike projects. To the powerful armies of his faithful allies, his Majesty will unite, for common defence and triumph, so formidable a mass, that success will not long be doubtful.-So just a cause will not be vainly defended by so much force, and protected by so many powers. A league so imposing in its elements, so generous in its policy, so just in its objects, so great in its means, will at length bring back our enemies to justice through fear, or to submission through victory.

Decree.-Jan.

HOLLAND.--Commercial 23, 1808. Considering that every European nation. ought to co-operate with all its might to the triumph of the cause of the continent, in a contest which will not be of long duration, and whose result is not doubtful. Considering that our particular duty as well as the dearest interests of our people command us to accede in all points to the desires of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, our illustrious brother, and even to surpass his hopes. Considering that the indemnity and relief which our kingdom has a right to demand and expect depend entirely upon the powerful intervention of France. Considering, in fine, that however great the sacrifices hitherto made by this country may be, and however painful its situation, both under the relations of commerce and those of finance, it is of much greater interest to dissi

pate all the doubts that might exist with respect to our intentions, and to prove to Europe, in the most signal manner, our attachment, and that of our people, to the common cause; have decreed and do decree as follows:-Art. I. From the publication of the present decree all the ports of our kingdom shall be shut against all ships, whatever be their denomination. Those only are excepted from this disposition, (and provisionally till a new order,) of which mention is made in the 2d article.-II. Armed ships of our allies are not included in the exclusion directed by the preceding article. They may enter and quit our ports, and bring in their prizes by conforming to the ordonnances issued relative to the entrance and departure of ships of war.-III. Ships of the allies or neutral powers, which may enter our ports to avoid the danger of the sea, shall have no communication with the interior of our kingdom. They shall be subjected to quarantine, and be under the most severe superintendance. The commandant of the port shall make them put to sea as soon as the weather shall permit.-IV. Fishing boats are under the direct superintendance of the civil and military authorities upon the coast. These authorities shall take care, on their responsibility, that no communication take place, by means of the fishermen, with the enemy's ships and other ships. To that end, there shall be placed as a sentinel, a soldier on board each fishing boat. On the return of the boat, the sentinel shall make his report of what has passed during the fishery, contrary to the dispositions of the present decree, and the owner of the boat and crews shall be prosecuted with all the rigour of the laws. Given at Utrecht, 23d January.

FRANCE

Decrees for raising Conscripts and for uniting certain Countries with France.--23d Jan. 1808.

The Conservatory Senate assembled to the number of members presented by act go, of the act of the Constitution of the 224 of Frimaire, year 8, having considered the project of the Senatus Consultum, drawn in the form prescribed by article 57 of the constitutional act of the 16th Thermidor, year 16-After having heard on the mo. tives of the said project, the orators of the Council of State, and the report of the Special Commission nominated in the sitting of the 10th of this month; the adoption having been discussed with the number of voices prescribed by article 50 of the organic Senatus Consultum of the 18th of Thermidor, year 10, decrees as follows-Art. ke Eighty thousand Conscripts of the Conscrip

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