name of war; something so irresistible in this natural tendency that you talk of, that, when a recruiting serjeant claps a country booby on the back, and asks him to fight for his king and country;" his arguments would be equally effective in prevailing upon him, without the use of money? Common sense tells us, not; and common observation proves it, not. This pure spirit of warfare neither exists, nor is it reasonable that it should exist: a man who goes into the field with no other view than the actual pleasure he expects to derive from the physical operation of killing his adversary, is an inconceivable monster; but if he has an object to attain, and, although acting repugnantly to his feelings, yet believes his mode of action to be just and necessary, the case is totally different. - Having already made this letter longer than, I fear, you will find convenient to insert in your Register; I must defer the consideration of the two remaining topics, for the present.I am, Sir, yours, &c. W. S. L.-Feb. 15, 1808. TYTHES. those which grow out of the corruption of the times; and the rapacity of individuals. For the whole of the various oppressions to which Vindex imputes the discontents of Ireland, he states as arising" from the exactions of Catholic priests; from those of tythes levied by the Protestant clergy; and the rents demanded by the laud proprietors and middlemen." Surely, then, he ought to have marked tythe gathering, which more particularly requires the reform of parliament, as more necessary for its interference than those other abuses, which the petitioners themselves might remedy, by the resolu tions of county meetings, and inculcating a more liberal conduct in their own priests. The impropriate tythes are the indisputable property of the laity, yet it is so little founded in reason and justice, and so obviously disgraceful to a free constitution, that parlia ment has as much right to commute it by an honourable equivalent, for the benefit of the community, as to carry a public road through private property, on the same principle. Nothing but wilful misrepresentation, or professional prejudice, can attempt to support an argument, that clerical tythes are as much a parson's property, as the landed estate is the property of his patron: what a shameful claim it is to call that property which is no more than a legal privilege of plundering our neighbour's fields. The more respectable the profession of a clergyman, the more it behoves them to obtain the abolition of such a privilege; and of "reaping where they have not sown," under the sanction of a tythe bough, which disgracefully proclaims to all travellers, in this parish lives a tythe GATHERER. The appellation of tythe ownER must be borne with, till the legislature assigns a provision for the clergy less incongruous to their religious and moral princi ples. The clergy should make a point to distinguish the present unavoidable situation of tythe owner, from the wilful character of gathering them in kind, which might be easily done by resuming their ancient distinction of a rose in the hat, which a tythe gatherer would not venture to wear, when it would be a proof of his wishing to avoid an SIR, Among the various merits of your excellent Register, I have received great pleasure in observing the liberal admission of letters from your correspondents, who have occasionally differed from you on subjects of controversy, even when their authors have not been deficient in powers of argument, which are peculiarly your forte: therefore, there is less reason to doubt, that you will admit my reply to some extraordinary assertions of a gentleman, who, under the signaare of Vindex, has lately engaged in an attack, on the Irish petitioners for a commuta tion of tythes.-In consequence of the very great attention I have for years, paid to the various publications on this subject, I am persuaded, that the ability of one party in defending them, and the conviction of the other in condemning them, will never be productive of any thing but wrangling; and unless the legislature decidedly interferes in behalf of the rights of society, in opposition to the tythe system; the iniquity and tyranny of tythe gathering will continue to disgrace the law and constitution of England.-imputation he is ashamed of.-Vindex, who Vindex condescends to allow the tythe to be one great grievance under which the Irish nation at present labours; and (then artfully pretends it is but a small part of them; hoping by this expedient of blending the tythes with other matter, to draw off the attention of your readers from that main grievance, so far as to discourage them from any wish to reform it; but he ought to distinguish between a grievance established by law; and must be either a tythe gatherer, or employed as their advocate, observes" that it would be superfluous to enter into any proof of the common law right of tythes." True, that is the very evil complained of, that the common law should protect a claim so inconsis. tent with the liberties of England; a claim founded on the impostures of popery; established by one monarch as an atonement for murder; and confirmed by another, to le galize his own seizure of the property of the convents; by dividing it among his courtiers.-Vindex does not hesitate to say "that he doubts, whether any land proprietor in the empire, can produce so venerable a title to his estate!!!" Admitting, that all our titles originated with William the Conqueror, subject to tythes previously established, landed estates are hereditary; did he make church livings so? What parson can say he was born to such a rectory, or can claim it before the patron thinks proper to present him? Who are their patrons? Are they not the owners of the land, of the pro-lation, still it is enormous and unmerited, Mr. Cobbett, you stated that annual produce at one hundred and twenty millions, therefore, only set the rights of the clergy in the aggregate at double their claims on agriculture, their revenues would amount to twenty four millions annually, which compared with the quantum meruit of curacies at fifty pounds per annum in ten thousand parishes, would give only five hundred thousand, and leave a species of sinecure of upwards of twentythree millions in consideration of the same duty performed by curates! Undoubtedly lay tythes must be deducted from this calcti dace of which only, the parson can claim a tythe? And are not the clergy, servants of government appointed in aid of the laws, to prevent the inflictions of penalties by preaching religion and morality? Was government to adopt, and protect another national religion, for example the Presbyterian, which disclaims the right of tythes; what would become of it, if it was not transferred by law to the new ministers? And to whom would that property naturally devolve, but to the owners of the nine parts? In such case lay impropriations would be an exception, but the iniquity of the tenure would soon be commuted, either by church lands, or bought out by occupiers subject to it. So much for arguments about property, which are much too often pleaded by the clergy.Vindex says "the Irish petitioners could have no right to what was not, and could not be conveyed by William from the original gran tees." Therefore, they petition, and on the most reasonable ground, that they may recover a right to the produce of their own labour and talents, growing on their own estates, which is at present subject either to plunder or litigation. The quibble produced by Vindex, that it would be unjust to the clergy as well as to those who either sold or let land, subject to tythe which diminished the value of it, that the difference "should go to the present proprietors and occupiers for which no consideration had been paid." It may be asked, what would they get but a property they were originally entitled to, and the satisfaction of being exonerated from an odious yoke from which almost all Europe is relieved, by the conviction that it originated from the priestcraft of Popery. But, Vindex says, "his arguments will apply equally, both to abolition and commutation, unless commutation be adequate to the clergy, and still levied off the soil." He might with equal justice revive their original claim, which included all professions, trades, and merchandize, as well as the produce of the soil. In one of your former Registers, and such an advocate as Vindex, had better drop the subject, who, with all his abilities has the modesty to call an attempt at an honourable commutation, "PLUNDER," when that term may be applied with so much more justice, to tythe gathering-A LANDHOLD. ER.-Feb. 10, 1808. OFFICIAL PAPERS. Report of the Minister of War on the Measures taken by France under the present circumstances.--6th Jan. (Concluded from p. 384.) The necessity of shutting the ports of the continent against our irreconcileable enemy, and of having upon every point of attack considerable means, in order to profit by any fortunate circumstances which might present themselves, to carry the war to the heart of England, Ireland, and the Indies, may render the levy of the conscription of 1809 necessary. The party which rules at London has proclaimed the principle of eternal war, and the expedition to Copenhagen has revealed its criminal intentions. Though the indignation of all Europe has been excited against Englandthough at no period France had such numerous armies, it is not sufficient-it is necessary that English influence should be attacked every where it exists, till the moment in which the sight of so many dangers shall induce England to drive from her counsels the Olygarchs who direct them, and to confide the administration to wise men, capable of conciliating the love and interest of the country with the love and interest of the human race.-A vulgar policy would have made your Majesty disarm; but such a policy would be a scourge to France, and render imperfect the great results you have prepared.-Yes, Sire, your Majesty, far from diminishing your arms, ought to augment them, till England shall have acknowledged the independence of all powers, and restored to the seas that tranquillity which your Majesty has ensured to the continent. Un doubtedly your. Majesty must suffer in requiring from your people fresh sacrifices, and in imposing new obligations on them-but you ought also to yield to the cry of all the French." No repose till the sea be free, "and a just peace shall have re-established "France in the most jest, the most useful, "and the most necessary of her rights." IRELAND. Declaration of the Protestants of Newry, lately convened by requisition-the Seneschal in the Chair. We the Protestant inhabitants of Newry, actuated by a warm wish for the tranquillity and happiness of our country, feel ourselves impelled, at this awful and momentous crisis of human affairs, to declare, in the most open and unreserved manner, our sentiments, opinions, and wishes on a question on which the most important interests of Ireland, and of the empire, are deeply involved, viz. the claims of our countrymen, who profess the Roman Catholic faith, to an equal admissibility to the offices and dignities of the state with their Protestant fellow subjects. We aver that towards our fellow citizens of that persuasion we are actuated by sentiments of sincere good will and unequivocal kindness: that we do not consider diversity of religious belief as any ground of civil incapacity or political disqualification; and that we shall rejoice to see them restored to every privilege and capability which the other subjects of this great and free empire enjoy. We lament exceedingly the obstacles which have hitherto impeded the accomplishment of that desirable object, and indulge the hope of seeing them removed. We are decisively of opinion, that the chief difficulty is founded on the appointment of the Roman Catholic Hierarchy of this coun try, who derive their dignity and rank in the church from the favour of a foreign potentate, now unhappily subjected to the dictation and tyranny of our implacable enemy. We trust we shall be excused for stating that such a patronage was unknown for nearly eight hundred years subsequent to the establishment of Christianityin this kingdom, and that it is now unknown in Catholic countries. -It is to us matter of the most sincere gratification to reflect that this view of the subject has lately been urged and insisted on by many of the wisest, the ablest and most zealous members of the Catholic body. We therefore look with respect and with confidence to the wisdom, the good sense, and the patriotism of the respectable nobleman and gentleman who preside over the Catholic councils to this country, and from the source we presume to hope for such an arrangement as may tend to obviate this anomaly. Under such an arrangement we entertain the most confident hope and belief that the paternal goodness of our most gracious sovereign, co-operating with the enlightened wisdom and liberal policy of the imperial parliament, would not hesitate to restore our Catholic countrymen to a perfect parity with ourselves: and we should farther hope that such an arrangement would be rendered more complete and satisfactory by such a national provision for the Catholic clergy as would admit of adequate rewards to men of liberal education and respectable attainments; rewards which the present condition of the Catholic church in this country does by no means afford.-From such an adjustment we would anticipate consequences the most beneficial and important, an efficient addition to the energies of the state, an increased facility of military exertion, an extension of mutual benevolence.--We feel that it is expedient to guard ourselves against a possible imputation, namely, that we have taken up this subject with party views, or with an intention to promote the interest of any particular set of politicians or statesmen. -We solemnly declare that we are influenced solely by views of public happiness and public advantage. God forbid that we should be instrumental in provoking discus. sions, or exciting a spirit, that might have a tendency to embarrass his majesty's councils. To whatever description of persons his majesty, in his wisdom and goodness, may confide the direction of the national strength; we sincerely wish them success; and we de voutly implore the favour and blessing of Divine Providence on their exertion to protect this empire against the machinations of an incensed and most formidable foe. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Miue, Pall-Mail VOL. XIII. No. 12.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1808. [PRICE 10D. "This is the bane, this is the curse of England, as relating to her foreign connections. Blessed with al sorts of resources necessary to the happiness and greatness of a nation, those resources, instead of re"maining within herself, assum:, through the intervention of commerce, a shape that deposits a consi"derable part of her wealth, and, along with it, the affections of no small number of the most opulent, "active and intriguing of her people, in foreign countries; and, therefore it is, that her interests are made "to give way to the interests of those countries, the case of nations being, in this respect, precisely the "opposite of that of individuals; for, in the latter case, the debtor is, in a great degree, the slave of the "creditor, whereas, in the former, the creditor is the slave of the debtor; and that, too, observe, exact"ly in proportion to the amount of the debt and the badness of character of the debtor."-- -REGISTER, Vol. XII. page 971, 17] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. ORDERS IN COUNCIL.As a last shift, in opposition to the Orders in Council, a petition has been presented to parliament by the "persons interested in the trade to the "United States of America." This petition was the consequence of a meeting of such persons, called by public advertisement, which meeting was held at the London Tavern, on the 10th instant, the same day on which the petition was presented to parliament; and, just as it ought to be, Mr. Alexander BARING was in the chair. When the vote came to be put, it was found, that there was a decided majority against the petition. This fact being stated in the House of Commons, it was asserted, on the other side, that the cause of such majority was this; that many persons not interested in the trade with the American States were present, and voted against the petition. These persons alledged, that they were interested; that they were West India merchants or planters, and, as such, could not but be deeply interested in whatever might affect our relations with the American States. This is undeniable, I think; or else what we have been so frequently told by the Americans and their advocates is false, namely, that it is from the American States only that our West India Islands can possibly receive a sufficiency of food and lumber. Surely men who have plantations in the West Indies, or having great trade with them, must, of all the persons in this country, be the most interested in whatever relates to war or peace with America. A Mr. Sharpe (one of the papers call him Shanks) having been amongst the persons present, who voted for the petition, was asked, in the House of Commons, on what he grounded his right to be a petitioner. His answer was, that he was concerned in one of the largest manufactories at Manchester, and, of course, was deeply interested in the trade [418 with America, which was one of the greatest out-lets for his manufactures. Upon the same ground every one of his poor squallid weavers and spinners might have voted at the meeting; aye, every wretched soul, from whose labour he derives his income. Why might not Messrs. Cadell and Davies, Mr. Sheriff Phillips, and the rest of the booksellers, have voted, at the meeting, upon the same ground? Their books go to America; and, of course, the stoppage of that channel must diminish the sale of books. Nay, why should not I vote too, if I had chosen it? Many of my Registers and other publications, went to America; this out-let being cut off, I and my printers and booksellers and bookbinders and paper makers, and then again their rag and leather and ink sellers, and all the shoe-makers and taylors and barbers of us all, and all the butchers and bakers and millers and farmers employed in raising and preparing food for us; in short, all the whole nation is interested with me in the American trade, in the same way, though in a less degree than Mr. Sharpe, the Manchester manufacturer, is interested in that trade. The designation was a foolish oue. It gave to every man in the country a right to attend the meeting and to vote upon the question; for, is it not absurd, that Mr. Bring, who is concerned in exporting goods to America, should put forward his claim to petition parliament upon measures relating to that coun ry, and deny a similar claim, or the part of a journeyman, who earns his bread in the making of such goods?—It was stated in the House of Commons, and not contradicted, that many of those, who voted for the petition, were American citi zens. They were perfectly right. No one can reasonably blame them for endeavouring to prevent the passing of a law, which will be injurious to their country, as long as their government shall persevere in its partiality for France. What I blame them for is for assembling under the name of English | America could no longer carry on any trade men. Blame them, indeed, I cannot say that I do much. It was one of those tricks so common in their native land, that they may well be excused. Change of climate cannot, all at once, change their natures. Mr. Baring is, I believe, a citizen in virtue of his marriage; and, I would wish to obtain from him, as chairman of the meeting, a direct answer to these questions: are you owner, or part owner, of several American ships? To protect such ships from the hands of our enemy, must their papers express that the owners of both ship and cargo are American citizens? Do you belong to that partnership or family of Baring, who advanced to the American government the eleven millions of dollars to pay Napoleon for Louisiana, and who, of course, would lose toth interest and principal, if that government become unable to pay? Now, Sir, if you cannot with truth answer these questions in the negative, I do not blame you for pețitioning against what will be injurious to America; bnt, I greatly blame you for pretending to be actuated by a desire to do good to the people of England. From your wife's relations, who are merchants and bankers and fundholders in America, you will, doubtless, receive all the praise which you merit at their hands; from your fellow citizens at large you will also receive applause, and, I dare say, you thought of this while in te chair at the London Tavern, the whole of your conduct being calculated for transatlantic effect. But,, from me and my countrymen you have no praise to expect. We have married no Americans; we own no American ships; we have made no advances to the American government; and, therefore, you must not expect us to enter into any of your sympathies. -Similar to the connections and interests of Mr. Baring, are the connections and interests of thousands of persons in England; and, I have not the least doubt of the fact, that, of the petitioners, nine-tenths, if they were to make a correct account of their feelings and interests, would find the balance decidedly in favour of America. The Orders in Council, though, observe, were not the cause either of the non-importation act or the embargo: always bear this in mind. Always bear in mind, that these hostile acts were adopted previous to its being possible, that the Orders in Council could be known in America. Always bear in mind, that the former act was passed, with a view of compelling us to give up our maritime right of searching for seamen; and that the latter act was passed, because with us, without setting France at defiance, rather than do which her rulers chose that she should have no trade at all. Always bear these facts in mind, when you are discussing the consequences of the Orders in Council; but, these Orders, though they did not, because they could not, produce the two hostile acts, may possibly, and some persons say they will, cause a war with America. If they do, they will cause great injury to those who have debts in that country, whether due from individuals or from the government. They will cause a total disturbance of the arfairs of those, whose property is more in that country than in this; they will throw quite off their pivot all these, who, under the name of American citizens, have been carrying on a free trade with the enemy, and who have, when they could escape our cruizers, been conveying into his ports the materials for making vessels wherewith for him to invade and conquer us; these Orders in Council will, in the case contemplated, cut off the payment of the interest of money lent to the American government for the purpose of purchasing from Buonaparté a country which be had forced Spain to give to him. All this may be the effect of the Orders in Council; but, are the persons, who will thus be affected; are these the men, whose property ought to be watched over with pe culiar care by the members of the English House of Commons? Are these the men, to the guarding of whose immediate interests the honour, the just vengeance, of England ought to give way?The petition, is an application from men, who, though, for the greater part, they may, perhaps, be of English birth, ought not to be considered as Englishmen. It is, in reality, a petition from Americans by adoption and by interest; and it ought to be treated as a thing coming from the City of Washington, and not from the city of London; as a petition from "King Cong," conveyed through the mouths of his subjects. If "King Cong" himself chooses to petition, which he will do, before it be long, why, then, let us hear him; but, I have no notion of sparing the feelings of his haughty majesty, who never spared our feelings, and, if he will persist in making his people suffer rather than abandon his unjust partiality for France, suffer they should if I were minister of England, and of short duration should be the reign of King Cong."-The peti tioners state, as one of the evils of the Orders in Council, that the said Orders, if adhered to, will ruin the Americans. The words are these: "That the people of " |