selves in a season of scarcity and want.In addition to this general statement and reasoning, permit me to call your attention to the history of our corn trade and laws for the last century.

From 1708 to 1773, the average export of wheat was 222,121 qrs. yearly From 1710 to 1760, the average export of all sorts of grain was 600,000 qrs. yearly. From 1700 to 1756, only two years occurred in which wheat was imported.

From 1795 to 1800, rage imported

From 1746 to 1765, both inclusive, the quantity exported exceeded the quantity imported by 6,649,609 qrs., or at the rate of 332,480 qrs. yearly But from 1773 to 1798, we have on an average imported 346,374 qrs. yearly we have on an ave617,369 qrs. yearly From 1800 to 1806, we have on an ave rage imported the enormous quantity of 1,447,500 qrs. yearly And our export during these latter periods, or from 1777 to 1804, have been only 5,400 qrs. yearly, and that small quantity has been chiefly to our own colonies. By the foregoing table it appears, that from having a large annual export of grain enriching the country, and affording security against every contingency of seasons, we have gradually become an importing nation, depending for a large portion of our subsistence upon foreign supply. For the last 40 years we have been exchanging our gold and our silver for subsistence, and now a new order of things has arisen. It is now no longer a question of commercial policy; no longer a matter of profit and loss, whether the past system is to be pursued. However willing we may be to enrich other countries, to vivify the agriculture, and stimulate the industry of other nations, we shall not be permitted to purchase the agricultural produce of the continent. All the corn ports of Europe are closed, and all the wealth of these islands will be unable to purchase a supply of food from the continent. To such observations as I have been addressing you, I have not unfrequently heard it remarked, "wheat is only about "70s. a quarter." So much the worse on every account: the price is too low to stimulate an increasing and productive tillage; this low price deceives us into a dangerous security. Even suppose it to arise wholly from a bountiful season, and in nothing to result from the present corn laws, still by next August or September it will be all consumed, and then a month's hard rain, or should mildew blight our crops in one week, what will be our prospect? how general

will be the distress and pressure of scarcity? to what country can we look for aid? Upon import from America we cannot depend, even if we continue at peace with the United States. Thus, then, it appears to me, that a due consideration of the subject brings the painful conviction, that we rely upon foreign import to an alarming and dangerous extent; that from an export of six hundred thousand quarters of corn annually, we have gradually come to require an import of nearly a inillion and a half of quarters; that in years of scarcity we depend upon foreign supply for nearly a fifth of our consumption, and that in ordinary seasons we depend upon importation for a seventh part of our subsistence. Should these remarks be deemed to merit your attention, and the dangers which I fear await us, appear of sufficient moment to call for serious consideration and the application of an immediate and efficacious remedy, I will in another letter proceed to investigate the causes of this fearful state of things, and discuss the merits of the principal remedies which have been proposed, and endeavour to suggest some further ones to the public notice.-—I am, your's, &c.EDWARD WAKEFIELD.-Duke street, Westminster, 14th March, 1808.

SINKING FUND.

SIR;Your correspondent C. S. (p. 938, vol. 12,) could not find any meaning in those " plausible" doubts, on which I ventured to ask for instruction, and which appeared in your Register of 14th Nov. p. 766; but to assist my ignorance, he begins by charging me with sinister designs, because I have dragged out his conclusions "before your readers, and left behind the "curtain those of Mr. Pitt and Lord H. "Petty," as if such words might not have been omitted for sake of brevity, and of the adage, nullius in verba. C. S. had reduced their poetic calculations into a prose brief,he adopted the proof not without contempt of their authors; and now he flies to his deified name for shelter from the rule of three. His quotations of Lord H. Petty's quotation of Mr. Pitt's second-sight was needless, for every stock-holder had by rote how that angel confessed what he foresaw; (timely and well-acted confession) that a nation, out of debt, must be in the high road to bankruptcy. C. S. goes on to "Undissipate my doubts thus: (p. 910) "questionably they are ignorant of the ef "fects of competition and capital, who can

doubt the extent of the mischiefs that "must result from the competition of 600 "millions with a capital of 100 millions."

It is not to the purpose. I expressed no doubt of any such thing. What I said was, that if the 600 million be discharged, by means of the Sinking Fund, that such competition cannot exist, on any addition to the circulating capital; therefore, your correspondent's colloquy between Jacobin and Solomon, setting the Thames on fire, and his nine times quoted phrase of Pitt's, are all alike irrelevant. He says, (p. 941)' now "that the extensive calamities of a SUDDEN "extinction" (impossible) "of the debt "is admitted on all hands!!" How, a certain consequence to follow impossible premises! No, but if it be extinguished by means of the Sinking Fund, which must take up before it pays down, I doubted if that competition is possible. The trus tees to the Sinking Fund have taken up suppose 140 millions of the 600 of debt. I ask did the money which they paid away for those 140 millions, encrease the circulating capital or not? If it did, his premises are false, and if not his conclusions are false. C. S. asserts, that," anominal

encrease has the same effect on real money as a real encrease could have, and "all he contends for is that it must nominally encrease to the amount of the debt, and therefore that the real depreciation must be in the proportion "which the debt bears to the circulation." This is irrelevant, unless it contemplates payment of the debt without the aid of taxes, and that the debentures in circulation are no part (real or nominal) of the circulating capital. It has no effect on the doubts which I have suggested in a single sentence, that payment of the 600 millions of debt by means of the Sinking Fund, which is in fact by means of taxes taken out of the Circulating Capital, cannot produce any increase what C. S. continues (page 943) "we " contend for the nominal increase on the well ascertained ground that if we expend the identical £10. in the market 10 times "over in one day, we have nominally sent

ever.

£100 in that day, and therefore depre"ciated the value of money as much as if we had actually, sent 100 at one time." I know not how such axiom is applicable, or "well-ascertained," and confess I have my doubts of its truth. His third sub-division asserts that my notion" is old, although in his first page he says that" if it be truly

just, it is really_new,"-but be it old or new, I intreat Mr. Cobbett himself to inform

* I have no means of ascertaining this sum-and wish Mr. Cobbett may correct it, as a just view of it, is of great importance.

a society of Irish who love him because he loves his own country in earnest, whether the Sinking Fund can by any contrivance take up a single debenture out of the mar ket until it takes the value of that debenture out of circulation, or if 140 millions of debt already paid off, were gathered out of a pocket where that sum was not. As to C. S. notable remedies for the ruin now in full march, viz." to take peace any how-to "surrender the naval dominion-to go "back to where our forefathers left us"to teach our population the use of arms, "and agriculture to our soldiers, &c. &c." (p. 947) I only say, that it is a pity he omitted the plan of that law giver called Gonsalez in the Tempest," I would by " contraries execute all things—no traffic "would I admit,-nomagistrate, LETTERS "should not be known,-poverty, riches, none,---bounds of land, vineyard, olive, none, no use of metal, wine or oil,no occupation, all men idle,-all,—and woman too, but innocent and pure.treason, knife, gun, or use of any engine, would I not have,-but nature "should bring forth all abundance to feed my innocent people."-C. S. concludes, "show us that no real or nominal increase "will take place if the national debt be "paid, and theu we shall confess our error, "but till then we maintain, &c. &c." It is not reasonable for a professor of prophecy to throw the burden of proof upon his ignorant audience. It calls to mind honest Swift's Tale of a Tub, and Lord Peter's argument, to prove that the bread which he gave his brothers for dinner, was not bread, but mutton.-I am, Sir, &c.-OSGUR.

86

"

"remedy consists in a fair and just com. "mutation of tythes, in the grant of a pub"lic maintenance for the Catholic and Presbyterian clergy, in a diminution of absentees, and an increased attention on the part of resident landlords, to the welfare "and happiness of their tenantry. What "the clergy can do to effect such desirable "objects they will do, provided the gentle"men of landed property shew no disposi"tion to relieve one class at the expence of another; with the landlords therefore, it "lies to avert the evil day from Ireland, "and from the empire: they alone are competent to save both. Need I urge "them more 'tis time that they awake "from a lethargic inactivity; 'tis time that they look the state of Ireland fairly in the face, and for their own sake at least, en"deavour to alter a line of conduct, which "has stamped that face with features so expressive of ill usage and mismanage

་་

"ment."

SIR,I have taken the above extract from an excellent Pamphlet, recently pubfished in Dublin, entitled " An Enquiry into "the History of Tythes, with a plan for " modifying that system, and providing an adequate maintenance for the Catholic "and Presbyterian Clergy," which I seriously recommend to the perusal of all members of parliament, or other hereditary of accidental counsellors of state, and integral parts of the government, as a work replete with valuable information, clear rea soning and dispassionate statement; and, therefore, of particular use, when, as in all probability there will be, a talk in parliament about Ireland and tythes, it is indispensibly necessary for the members to get a luncheon of information on these subjects, (for the pamphlet is too short to constitute a full meal); to the spread of instruction upon these interesting points, it would be injus tice not to confess that your valuable Register has greatly contributed. If I do not mistake, you were the very first who detected the trick of the Protestant country gentlemen (whom you most properly designated as the keenest set in the world) and exposed it as it deserved to be exposed. Trust me, Mr. Cobbett, till that race of Centaurs is regenerated-till their bestial is converted into ra tional, neither Catholic emancipation, nor commutation of tythes will ever work the great work of peace. Till land is let at such rates as will enable the tiller to feed, clothe, and educate his family, the Irish peasantry must remain ignorant, naked, and wretched. It is well observed by a very ingenious correspondent of yours, "that there are mis

"chiefs in Ireland, which no legislative in "terference can reach." He is right, and the rapacity of squires of all sects, and their systematic grinding of the poor, is one of these mischiefs. Our whole Irish representation consisting of one hundred wise and well informed gentlemen, who, as Fontenelle said of the French academicians, " ont l'esprit comme quatre," joined to the equally wise and well informed representation of England, Scotland, and Wales, could not, I will venture to say, in their united wisdom, devise any law competent to remove this evil. It is intertwisted with the very fibres of a squire's nature; he imbibes it from his mother, and his father inculcates it along with the alphabet and the multiplication table.-This is the party in Ireland that is most formidable to the real prosperity of the country; this is the sour balm that leavens the lower classes into turbulence; these are the people that Mr. Grattan should have pointed his rhetorical rockets against: he humm'd and he ha'd, and he see-sawed himself into a very pretty sort of an oratorical rage against a French party; but he should have been coolly indignant against the squires, and proved plainly and simply that they are the fountain head, from whence the real waters of bitterness flow, and that if they were but commonly just to the most grateful, noble hearted people in the world the Irish, the French party might either dwindle into dancing masters and dentists, or go to America and debate with closed doors (and windows too) upon the propriety of going without great coats and breeches, by way of distre tressing the Yorkshire clothiers. What wretched shuffling and twisting and temporizing is this! Wil members of parliament for ever come forward and stigmatize the Irish as idle, rebellious and ungrateful, and yet conceal the real causes of these curses; the wretchedness entailed upon the Irish by the landed proprietors. One honourable gentleman makes a very neat speech, and attributes all the disturbances to the tythes; these are the Grattanites. Another tells the house that the Pope, poor man, is at the bottom of the riots... These are the Redesdalites; but, I have yet heard no antisquirulist get up in his place, and declare boldly and honestly that the distractions of Ireland arise from the exorbitant price of land, the thumbscrewing of rack rents, and its ruinous, impolitic, and inhuman expedient of refusing leases, disallowing the tenants right, and enhancing the rate of farms by the horrid expedient of canting. By such infamous conduct on the part of the landed proprietors, the whole population of the country are alie

nated. All the bonds that bind man to man, and men to their native land are snapped in twain; the permeating principles of local attachment, that like the roots of the pine, make their way through the hardness of the barren mountain, and bind the tree even to the naked rock, are rudely extirpated. Home, that dear delightful refuge of the human heart, is denied to the poor Irishman, he may be turned from one moment to another from the hut he has reared, and the garden he has planted. And, yet this creature whom the Almighty endowed with every noble propensity, and generous feeling, shall be stigmatized as innately savage, intemperate, and intractable, because he turns upon the curs that are hunting him to desperation, and refuses to lick the hand that is raised to scourge and to torment him, This, Mr. Cobbett, is the truth--and till the truth be told in and out of parliament, things will proceed as they have done, most disastrously. I really congratulate the country that there is one channel yet left for the dissemination of truth-the Political Register is that channel. I will not pretend to assert that you are always right, but this I will affirm from a long acquaintance with the Political Register, that it contains more truth in the publications of one month, than the whole tribe of newspapers in one year; and I am rejoiced that you give a column now and then to the affairs of Ireland; they are indeed in a perilous state; but as the author from whose pamphlet I have quoted, well observes, "with the landlords it lies to avert "the evil day from Ireland, and from the "empire; they alone are competent to save "both." I may trouble you hereafter with some further observations upon this subject, and throw out some hints upon the education of squires, which might if adopted by their sires and dams, prove eminently useful to the future breed. Ireland is of vital consequence to Great Britain, and recent events have only confirmed the observation of Sir Richard Cox, in the dedication of his history to William and Mary, after stating that Ireland had cost their predecessors an unspeakable mass of blood and treasure," but no cost can be "too great where the prize is of such va"lue, and whoever considers the situation, "ports, plenty, and other advantages of "Ireland, will confess that it must be re"tained at what rate soever, because, if it "would come into the enemies hands, Eng"land would find it impossible to flourish, "and perhaps to subsist without it."—I remain, &c.-MALB.—Dublin.

TITHES.

SIR; Among the many letters which

have appeared in your Register on various subjects, one in your last, signed J. P. D. has, I confess, excited not a little surprise in my mind.-My object in addressing you (and I confess I do it with diffidence, being the first time I have ventured to write, Mr. Cobbett) is to notice the fallacy of J. P. D.'s statement with respect to tithes and their influence on religion; and to ask whether you seriously think the churches are deserted, and the established religion suffered to decline from any such cause?-Is it possible, Sir, such a delusion can have successfully palmed itself on J. F. D.'s imagination? Or, is not it more probable that he has taken this ground, knowing how soon, above other causes, a religious outcry will have effect. It surely cannot be difficult to trace the desertion of our churches to some other cause. It arises out of the palpably otorious negligence of so many of its clergy. I know the objections that exist against such an opinion, but I also know that you and all other honest men, Mr. Cobbett, must conclude, that while the majority, or at least a large proportion of the church clergy are deficient in their duty to the people committed to their charge, the nature and unavoidable consequence is, that the people, in their turn, should fall short in the respect due only to a man worthy of the office he sustains; and it must be equally clear, that where the ministers of religion fail to stimulate by their own energy and example, the religion of those under their care will soon degenerate into nothing but the name. Such being the case, it is to this cause principally, and not to the obnoxious nature of tythes, we are to ascribe the decline of our established religion, and the desertion of our church. I would be understood to mean, by the word "established," the form of religion in use with the church of England; for the assertion that real religion is on the decline, if your correspondent means real religion by the terms used, I can by no means admit. On the contrary, I firmly believe it to be increasing. -I do not intend entering more on this part of his letter, for in that case I should expect, if you deemed my letter worthy any notice, you would declare your publication not the, vehicle of religious communications, and very properly; but I could not read J.F. D's statements without a few remarks on their fallacy, as far as they refer to the point I have noticed; and though you may not admit remarks on religious topics to swell your pages generally, I have read your Register long enough to know how willing youare always to expose error yourself, as well as afford others the opportunity of doing it. I would also say a few words on another assertion in the

same letter.-J. F. D. has said, that " were the tithes abolished, Old England would from that circumstance become happy, prosperous, and thriving," that " our granaries would always be filled with corn," and that, under any circumstances, we should never need the aid of importation. And is this great and wonderful change to be effected by taking from the church its tenths of the produce of the land, and giving the value of that tenth in some other way? I do heartily join in that gentleman's zealous hope, but 1 would suggest that such an event from such a cause may never take place. No, Sir, whoever may live to see this country again" prosperous and thriving," will witness much more important changes than the abolition of tythes: he will see our satesmen breathing the spirit of public virtue; he will see no factious opposition to those statesmen, because one set are in power and the other out; pensions and places will be done away; and a due regard paid to the country's rights. He will see the taxes of his country lessened or more equally imposed; the national debt diminished, and our dignity, as a great and independent nation, proudly maintained. He will see a parliament pure and independent; its seats occupied according to the laws; and every member bearing within himself the spirit of impartiality, deciding according to the dictates of a conscientious, upright judgment, and not, as now, either indolently or intentionally giving his yea or nay to enactments agreeably to the side he sits on in the house. -I would not now say much on the justice or injustice of the mode adopted in collecting the tithes; I am afraid with J. F. D. that too generally it is oppressive and vexatious but surely in the instance he has adduced his friend could have easily gained ample compensation by other means than remonstrance for so wanton an insult, so flagrant a breach of equity and justice.-The laws of this country must be defective indeed, if they permit such an outrage against society without producing adequate punishment to prevent its repetition; and if they do provide such a remedy, there must have been some defect on the part of J. F. D.'s friend, who could refrain from bringing such an offender under its operation. I have myself known instances where much ill will has arisen on the subject of tithes, but in many of them (I mean where the incumbent has collected them himself) it had its origin with the person from whom the tithe was due, and not with the person claiming it-I confine myself, of course, to England in my remarks, for I am unacquainted ut

terly with this subject as it regards Ireland; although I have always understood every thing that has appeared in the Register on this point, (far as my recollection will carry me) except the letter of J. F. D. to refer only to the sister kingdom.-I am, &c.— S. A.-London, 15th Feb. 1808.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. ENGLAND AND SWEDEN.Convention between his Majesty and the King of Sweden -signed at Stockholm on the 8th February, 1808.

The consequences of the treaty of Tilsit, between Russia and France, unfolding themselves more and more, in such a manner as to threaten Sweden with a speedy invasion, for the purpose of enforcing her to accede to the French system; and his Swedish majesty finding himself therefore under the necessity of bringing forward, to resist its effects, a greater force than he has at his ordinary disposal, his Britannic majesty, animated with the constant desire of contributing to the defence and security of his ally, and of supporting him, by every means, in a war, undertaken for the mutual interests of both states, has determined to give to his Swedish majesty an immediate aid in money, as being the most prompt and efficacious, to be paid from time to time at fixed periods; and their majesties having judged it expedient, that a formal convention with regard to their reciprocal intentions, in this respect, should be concluded, they have for this purpose named and authorised their respective plenipotentiaries; that is to say-in the name and on the part of his majesty the king of the United kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Edward Thornton, Esq. his envoy extraordinary and Minister plenipotentiary tohis majesty the King of Sweden; and in the name and on the part of his majesty the King of Sweden, the Baron D'Ehrenheim, president of his chancery, and commander of his order of the polar star, who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, have : agreed upon the following articles :Article. I. His majesty the king of the United kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland engages that there shall be paid to' his Majesty the King of Sweden the sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling, in equal instalments of one hundred thousand pounds sterling each, per month, * beginning with the month of January of the present year inclusively, and to continue succesively in the cource of each month, the first of which instalments shall be paidon the ratification of the present convention