like a girl; but: like a pale girl; dog-mad, mad as a mad dog: dog-weary; dog-sick.

= =

From such compounds are developed those in which the middle links are more remote, so that even the consciousness of an original comparison recedes, and the substantive preceding the adjective is often felt only as a strengthening of the adjective, and is interchanged with others which no longer have any reference to it. Compare sand-blind, halfblind (as if sand glistened before the eyes, hence in the North of England sanded), whence the strengthening in Shakspeare: high-gravel-blind (Merch. of V. 2, 2.); moon-eyed, that is with eyes change like the moon (with the change of the moon) are affected like the moon; span-new (even in Chaucer), that is Anglos. spon splinter, perhaps with the meaning of nail, hence also compounded with spick spike, spick-and-span-new, piping hot (HUDIBR.), that is, new like a nail just coming from the fire, agreeing with fire-new, new, as if coming from the fire (glowing), for which also brand-new and bran-new (perhaps assimilated to span-new) is used. Hence the combinations: span-firenew; brand-fire-new; bran-span-new; brand-spander-new and the like, in the mouth of the people. Belly-naked (which also formerly stood in Chaucer 9200, where Wright has al aloone body naked) entirely naked; comp. starke bely-naked.. as naked as my nayle (ACOLASTUS 1540.) with which Fiedler compares mother-naked, seems to go to the nakedness of the child as it comes from the womb. In purblind, poreblind, for which strangely spurdlind (LATIMER) also occurs, no substantive is to be sought for: pur, pore is naught else than the adjective adverb pure: Me scolde pulte oute bope hys eye & make hym pur blynd (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER II. 376.). Thus we find in the same author purwyt (pure white); pur fersse (pure fresh); pure clene and others. Compare also plat-blind (HALLIWELL s. v.). Moreover in the provinzial starnaked (Suffolk) star is not substantive; it stands for starknaked, as starkgiddy (LANC.), starkstaring (Var. Dial.).

2) A substantive and an adjective frequently stand in the indirect

relation.

a) The substantive may in several cases be apprehended analogously to a case dependent on the adjective; as, a genitive in those compounded with full (for the most part) and less and in some others, as those with weary, worthy, guilty; life-weary; b.ood-worthy; blood-guilty and the like; as a dative in composition with ly and like: deathlike; godlike; snow-like &c. In Romance compounds a substantive appears not rarely as an accusative before a verbal adjective, as in ignivomous; armigerous; oviparous; mammiferous; morbific; morbifical; pacific; fatiferous; fatidical; carnivorous, and others. In English forms a participle of the present in ing appears with its object preceding it. Comp. earth-shaking; mindfilling; life-giving; love-darting; death-boding; soul-stirring; heartpiercing; heart-rending and many more, in which only the collocation of the words departs from the common syntactical combination of the verb with an object.

B) Some substantives compounded with genuine adjectives are

to be explained by means of connecting prepositions. They are to be reduced in part to relations of space, so far as the quality makes its appearance in, on or upon an object, or extends up to an object: bedrid, Old-English bedrede, Anglosaxon bedrida, -ridda, -redda, properly a substantive, participially, by a misunderstanding, bedridden; steadfast, Anglosaxon stedfäst (fast in place); Armstrong, as a proper name, Anglosaxon earmstrang (bracchio validus); headstrong, figuratively; heart-sick (sick at heart), Anglosaxon heortseóc; soul-sick; heart-deep (rooted in the heart); brimful, full to the brim; topful, the same, hence figuratively topproud (SHAKSP.); breast-deep; breast-high, that is, to the breast; knee-deep; threadbare, that is, bare to the thread. Other references are not frequent, as that of the cause: love-sick, sick from love; sea-sick, sick from the sea. In arme-puissant (WERSTER) the idea of the cause is likewise approximate. That of an inclination or bias to something lies in the dialectical, particularly Scottish compounding with rife, as: playrife, comp. playful, playsome; wastrife, squandering; toothrife, enjoyable, comp. toothful, palatable; rife is Anglosaxon rîf, frequens, Old-norse rîfr, largus, Lowdutch rîwe, which is also used for "readily resolved, not shy at anything". In watertight, we may suppose the idea of tightness against water. Latin had similar forms, which, scantily native to French, were still more scantily copied; they have not been lost in English: armipotent; armisonous; noctivagous; noctilucous; caprigenous &c. English is however most rich in compounds of this sort of a substantive and a participle, in which the reference to space, time, connection and causality is expressed, and which poetry particularly multiplies: air-built (in the air); forest-born (in a wild) (SHAKSP.); heart-hardened; soul-felt; earth-wandering (over the earth); sea-roving; sea-faring; night-blooming; night-shining; birth-strangled (suffocated in being born) (SHAKSP.); air-born (of the air); earth-born alongside of terrigenous; ale-fed (with ale); moss-clad; dew-besprinkled; sea-girt; snow-crowned; copper-fastened; angel-peopled; fool-begged (begged by a fool, foolish); wind-dried; dew-bent; sea-tossed; sea-torn; thunder-blasted; wind-fallen; booklearned; death-doomed (to death) &c.

e) Compounding of a verb and an adjective.

This sort of compounding, foreign to French, less limited in Germanic tongues, as in the Highdutch compounds with bar, haft, lich &c., is almost wholly unknown to English. A verbal stem is sometimes found here before the termination som, as in: tiresome; buxom (from beógan, bûgan); in forgetful, and perhaps a few more. Through the sameness in sound of these verbs with substantives the decision is, moreover, sometimes doubtful here, as in toilsome, the dialectical feelless and others.

2) The Compounding of the Verb.

a) Compounding of two verbs.

No verb is compounded with another verb in Anglosaxon; Latin offers compounds of verbal stems with facere and fieri, as calefacere

&c., besides valedicere. French has adopted some such verbs, even imitated them; forms of this sort with the French form in fy (fier) have passed into English: arefy; liquefy; stupefy; calefy. b) Compounding of a substantive and a verb.

The formation of verbs of a noun and a verb is in general foreign to the older Germanic tongues, most forms which might appear to be such being parasyntheta, therefore verbal forms from an already compound noun. Primitive compounds are especially those with the substantive mis, Anglosaxon miss, mis, mist, which indeed even in Anglosaxon was only employed as a particle in compounding, and in English coincides in form and meaning with the Old-French particle mes, Modern-French més, mé, Latin minus: miswrite, Anglosaxon misvrîtan; misteach, Anglosaxon mistæcan; misdo, Anglosaxon misdôn; misthink, comp. Anglosaxon mispyncean; mishear, Anglosaxon mishŷran; misbehave; misbelieve; misgive &c.; miscounsel, Old-French mesconseiller; misesteem, French mésestimer; misjudge; misgovern &c. English hardly has any others, resting upon older Germanic tongues, at whose root no visible compound lies; handfast, Anglosaxon handfästan (in manum tradere); handsel, Anglosaxon handsellan (subst. handselen, Bosw., Old-English handsal); ransack, Old-norse ransaka (explorare; subst. ransak, from ranni, domus, but also ran, spolium and saka, arguere, nocere, comp. Highdutch heimsuchen).

English forms are: motheat (to eat as a moth eats a garment); landdamn (to condemn to quit the land); landlock (to encompass by land); ringlead; partake (a hybrid form from part take); backbite (to censure the absent); in backslide (to fall of) back seems to operate as a particle; bloodlet; browbeat (to depress by severe looks); waylay (to beset by the way); kilndry (to dry in a kiln); caterwaul, comp. Old-English catwralling (to cry as cats in rutting time); keelhale; cleftgraft (to ingraft by inserting the cion in a cleft); hoodwink (to blind by covering the eyes), from Anglosaxon hód, pileus and vincjan, connivere. Hamstring, is derived from hamstring; spurgall, to gall with the spur, has also a substantive of the same sound alongside of it (comp. Old-norse galli, naevus) and seems a derivative verb, like to gall alongside of the substantive gall. Romance forms, which attached themselves to Latin ones, have likewise been received, partly imitated, particularly those in which the substantive may be taken in the accusative: belligerate (belligerare); edify (aedificare, French édifier); modify; mortify (mortificare, mortem facere); pacify; signify; versify; tergiversate; = duncify; fishify (jocosely); ignify; rapidify; mummify; salify; sanguify &c. Verbs too, in which the substantive could not answer to an accusative, have been received according to the Romance pattern: manumit (manumittere); crucify (cruci figere); maintain (maintenir = manu tenere).

c) Compounding of an adjective and a verb.

Of this sort of composition the same was true in Anglosaxon, with the exception of the adjectives fen (Engl. even), full, sam, as has been observed of substantives. Of them only fulfill, Angl. fulfyllan, is remaining; besides a few modern forms, as finedraw;

finestill, to distil (WEBSTER); dumfound (to strike dumb); newfangle is derived from the Old-English adjective newfangel, greedy of innovation (comp. Anglosaxon fenge!= susceptor); and newmodel reminds us of the subst. model with the adj. new, like as white-wash and dry-nurse are to be derived from the substantives of the same sound. In soothsay, which leans upon the Anglosaxon sôðsagol, sôðsprecande and the like, sooth may be taken either as an adjective or a substantive. Romance forms of this sort after the Latin pattern are mostly compounded with fy: magnify; mollify; falsify; fortify; vivify; ratify; dulcify; also with pronouns: identify; qualify; rarely others, as vilipend. The agglutination of the verb with an adjective after it is peculiar in vouchsafe, in Old-English mostly written distinctly rouchen safe (vouche saf MAUNDEV. p. 148. the king vouches it save [LANGTOFT 260.], vouche ye hur safe (Ms. in HALLIWELL from vouchen) that is Old-French vochier, rocher and salf, sauf. vocare salvum. Along therewith was formerly found the hybrid combination: witsafe (Anglosaxon vîtan, imputare): That God witsafe to saue them fro dampnation (THE PARDONER p. 117.).

How far participles can appear with a noun before them, has been before pointed out. In this respect the language has ruled much more freely, the verbal nature of the participles blending with that of the adjective.

There is a number of apparent or real compounds, in which a misunderstanding or a disfigurement of the fundamental forms prevails. Roundelay, French rondelet, has been occasioned by the Romance virelai; Old-English Synggyng of lewde balettes, rondelettes or virolais (Ms. in HALLIWELL from virolai); beaf-eater (a yeoman of the guard) must have arisen from the Old-French buffet buffetier (on account of their being appointed at the buffet); farthingale, the hoop of a frock, rhymes with nightingale, and has been deformed from the Old-French vertugale, vertugadin; furbelow (apparently fur-below), is the Ital. falbala, also farfala, farubala. Peter-see-me, a Malaga wine, is the corrupted Pedro-Ximenes ; as zinc wares in Lincolnshire and Nottingham bear the name (tutenag), the corrupted name of the metal tooth-and-egg; sparrow-grass arose from asparagus, in Fletcher: sperage; causeway alongside of causey is an apparent compound instead of the Old-French cauchie, chaucie, ModernFrench chaussée; crayfish and crawfish with crab stand under the influence of the Old-French escrevisse, Modern-French écrevisse and the like. Other for us are puzzling, as balderdash, with which haberdasher, is nearly allied, since in Old-English haberdash likewise denoted a jumble of things: An hole armory of suche haburdashe (SKELTON I. 267.). In the North of England the schoolmaster is also called haberdasher. Two analogous forms are tatter demalion, tatterdemallion (tatter, perhaps = OldFrench maillon = maillot), and slubber degullion, a filthy fellow (slubber, and gullish, or gully), in which de seems to be the French particle. Pedigree, which some would explain by pes and gradus, others by par degrés, has an older form petygrewe (PALSGRAVE) which confutes those explanations Even scabbard, seems a compound; in Old-English it is: scawberk; schauberk, perhaps Scheiden-berge, compare Old-norse scafi, scalprum, and hauberk, Old-French hauberc and haubert, Hals-berge. A greater number of obscure compounds has been incidentally treated of in the Phonetics. Others, in which a play with rhyme, alliteration and alternation of sounds takes place have been discussed at p. 431.

3) The compounding of the Verb and of Nouns with Particles.

With this sort of Compounds, prepositions, or particles nearly allied to prepositions, together with a few others, come chiefly under review. There are on the one hand primitively Anglosaxon; on the other, Romance particles. Both have entered into hybrid combinations and agree with one another here and there in form. The Romance compounding has however been preserved to a wider extent than the Germanic, many compounds with Anglosaxon particles having been wholly or partly abandoned.

a) Compounding with Anglosaxon particles.

We discriminate inseparable particles, occurring only in combination with and before verbs and nouns, and separable ones, which also occur in syntactical combination outside of these. Anglosaxon formed numerous compounds of both sorts; English has gradually abandoned them more and more, yet also employed many particles in various new forms.

1) Inseparable Particles.

a, Old-Highdutch ur, ar, er, ir, Gothic us (ur-r), Angl.d, and in Angl. not to be always distinguished from the a standing for an, on, and af, of, and Modern-Highdutch er, has been getting more and more rare in English. It still stands in a few verbs, partly with the meaning of direction upwards, as if up out of something: arise (ârîsan); arouse (ârâsjan); awake (âvâcan); awaken (âvacnjan, yet also onvacnjan); partly of a continuous, also successful activity: affright (âfyrhtan); or of an inchoate activity: alight (âlîhtan). Many are obsolete, as: abare (âbärjan); aby (âbyegan); ashame (âscamjan), the participle from which, ashamed, is still particularly in use; agrise (âgrîsan, horrere); aslake (âsleacjan). The old tongue had many more, as: ablenden (âblendan); awreken (âvrëcan); aferen (âfæran, terrere); aquellen (âcvellan): agulten (âgyltan) &c. In nouns it is hardly found save in parasyntheta: affright, Anglosaxon âfyrhto.

an, a, un, Gothic und, Old - Saxon ant, Modern - Highdutch ent, in Anglosaxon rarely and, often on, answering to the OldHighdutch ant and and, is found, as and, only in the substantive answer (andsvara) and the derivative verb answer (andsvarjan). The and interchanging with on and d, appears as an Engl. a in: abide (âbîdan), also and-, an-, onbîdan); as well as in the obsolete acknow and acknowledge (oncnâvan, Old-Saxon antkennjan) and in the participle adread (andrædan, ondrædan), Old-English adrenchen (âdrencan, ondrencan). But the Anglosaxon on in the privative sense, belonging here, early passed into the English un. The reason lies in Anglosaxon forms, in which un appears along with on &c., without any essential distinction: unbind (onbindan, ondbindan, but also unbindan); ungear (ongearvjan); undo (ondôn); unlock (onlûcan and unlûcan); unwind (unvindan), retexere alongside of onvindan, solvere; untie (ontygan and untygëan); unyoke