ness might now appear: that if they could not act with their usual courage, they might at least show their courage in suffering. The duke of Deux-Ponts had left Augsburg; and said, the publishing the Interim did not belong to him, but to the bishops. Those of Breme had such a heavy composition laid on them by the emperor, that they said it was not in their power to comply with it, though they had a mind to it. So it was thought, this was done on design to take their town, as a convenient post for a garrisoned place, to keep that country in order. He concludes, desiring to know what agreement there was, as to these matters, in the Helvetic churches." They were, indeed, much inflamed on this occasion; and very zealous against any compliance with the Interim, or the use of the rites prescribed by it: so Hooper came from Zurick, in the heat of this debate, and with this tincture upon his mind.

When he came to Brussels, on the 20th of April 1549, he wrote a letter to Bullinger, that is in the Collection (No.iv). "He sets forth in it, very tragically, the misery of the Netherlands, under the violent oppressions of the Spaniards. Complaints were heard in all places, of rapes, adulteries, robberies, and other insolences, every day committed by them so that a hostess of a public-house said to him, 'If she could but carry her children in her arms with her, she would choose to go and beg from door to door, rather than suffer their brutalities every day, as they were forced to do.' He hoped this would be a warning, to put others on their guard.

"The emperor came seldom out of his chamber. Hooper had been at the duke of Saxony's house, who had about thirty of his servants still attending on him; he designed to have talked with Hooper, but the Spaniards hindered it. He had no hope of obtaining his liberty, though his health was much broken: but he continued firm in his religion, and did not despair of things, but hoped religion would be again revived. The landgrave was kept at Oudenard. He was both uneasy and inconstant. Sometimes he was ready to submit to the emperor, and to go to mass: at other times he railed at the emperor and at the Interim (Hooper was entertained by Hobby, the English ambassador, from whom probably he heard these things); he prayed God to pity him, for he suffered justly for his treachery. The pope's legate was there, and preached all that Lent in his own court. "The pope and the emperor were then in very ill terms. The pope pressed the emperor to own the council at Bologna; for he was afraid to let it sit again in Trent: but the emperor was as positive for their coming back to VOL. III, PART I.

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Trent; and said roundly, he would break with the pope, if that were not done. The ambassador told him, that if the emperor's confessor were to any degree right set, there might be good hope of the emperor: but both he, and all his ministers, were strangely governed, and in a manner driven by the confessor. About seven months before this, he had left the emperor, because he would not be more severe, and would not restore popery entirely in Germany. The emperor had offered him a bishopric in Spain worth twenty thousand crowns: but he refused it, and said, he would be tied to the church, but not to him, unless he would serve the church with more zeal. The emperor seemed to design to break the peace of Switzerland, and Hooper understood that some of Lucern were then hanging on at court, probably with no good design. He wishes they would fear God, lead holy lives, and fight_bravely: and so they might expect to be protected by God: yet he understood that the emperor was troubled that he had meddled so much as he had done in matters of religion in Germany: he found that was like to cross his other designs, which might have succeeded better if he had left that matter more at liberty. His army lay then near Bremen, but was undertaking nothing. The cities there had furnished themselves with stores and provisions for five years; and were making no submissions." This account I thought no digression from my chief design in writing, since this intelligence came no doubt from the ambassador. Upon Hooper's coming to England he applied himself much to preaching, and to the explaining the Scriptures. He was much followed, and all churches were crowded where he preached. He went through the Epistle to Titus, and ten chapters of the Gospel of St. John: his fame came to court. Poinet and he were ordered to preach all the Lent at court; Hooper on Wednesdays, and Poinet on Fridays: he was also sent to preach both in Kent and Essex. At this time Bullinger wrote to the king, and sent with it a book that he dedicated to him, which was presented to the king by the marquis of Northampton; for an order was made, that none but privy-counsellors might bring books or papers to the king. The king said to Hooper, that he had read the letter, and would read Bullinger's book: and spoke to the marquis of a present to be sent him: but Hooper told him, he never took any; besides that it was forbidden by the laws of Zurick. Hooper, in his letter to Bullinger, on the 8th of February, 1550, says, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Rochester, Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and

Bath, were sincerely set on advancing the purity of doctrine, agreeing in all things with the Helvetic churches. He commends particularly the marquis of Dorchester, afterwards duke of Suffolk, and the earl of Warwick, afterwards duke of Northumberland, who at that time put on such a show of zeal, that Hooper calls him a most holy instrument, and the best affected to the word of God. He writes of Cranmer, that he wishes he were not too feeble. He was at London when the council divided from the duke of Somerset, but had not meddled in that matter: and he says not a word of it, but that he blesses God the duke of Somerset was to be set at liberty. In June he was named to be bishop of Gloucester; for he gives an account of it in a letter to Bullinger, on the 29th of June. He declined it, as he writes, both for the oath, which he says was foul and impious *, and by reason of the Aaronical habits. The king asked what his reasons were: he told them very freely to him. He says of him, that the world never saw such a prince as he was, for his age. He likewise says, the Lady Elizabeth, his sister, was wonderfully zealous, and very knowing she read both Greek and Latin; and few could maintain an argument against her, particularly in matters of religion.

Among the letters sent me from Zurick, I find some written upon the occasion of the difficulty that was made in Hooper's business, to Bullinger and Gualter, pressing them very earnestly to write to the king, to let fall all the ceremonies they tell them, that Ridley, though he stood upon the forms of the law, yet was very earnest to have Hooper made a bishop. They seem also to reflect on the bishops, for their earnestness in that matter, as if they were ashamed to have that to be blamed to which they themselves had submitted: and they reflect on Bucer for supporting the matter too much. Those of Zurick were more discreet and modest than to interpose in such a manner. It would have been too great a presumption in them, to have made any such application; but, it seems, Bullinger wrote about it to the king's preceptor, Cox. I have not found his letter: but I find, by Cox's letter to him, that he himself was for proceeding easily in this matter. He wrote to him in May, in these words: "I think all things in the church ought to be pure and simple, removed at the greatest distance from the pomps and elements of this world. But, in this our church, what can I do in so low a station? I can only endeavour to persuade our bishops to be of the same

*Fœdum et impium.

mind with myself. This I wish truly, and I commit to God the care and conduct of his own work." Of the king he writes, Believe me, there appears in him an incredible beginning of learning, with a zeal for religion, and a judgment in affairs almost already ripe." Traheron, at the same time, writes of him, "We are training up a prince, that gives the greatest hopes of being a most glorious defender of the faith, even to a miracle. For, if God is not so provoked by our sins, as to take him too early from us, we do not doubt, but that England shall again give the world another Constantine, or rather one much better than he was.

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This matter took up much time, and was managed with more heat than might have been expected; considering the circumstances of that reign: he, being named to be bishop of Gloucester, was recommended by Dudley to Cranmer, that he would not charge him with an oath that was (as is expressed) burdenous to his conscience. This was the oath of supremacy. He next desired to be excused from accepting the bishopric, or from the ceremonies used in the consecration; upon which the king writ to Cranmer in August, freeing him from all dangers and penalties that he might incur by omitting those rites, but left the matter to the archbishop's discretion, without any persuasion or command to omit them. The archbishop did not think fit upon that letter to act against the laws: there were several conferences between Ridley and Hooper, not without heat: Hooper maintaining, that if it was not lawful, yet it was highly inexpedient, to use those ceremonies. The council, apprehending the ill effects of controversies between men of the same profession, sent for Hooper, and wished him to let this opposition of his fall. He desired leave to put his reasons in writing; that was granted him and when he offered his reasons, they were communicated to Ridley. I gave an account in my former work how honestly and modestly both Bucer and Peter Martyr behaved themselves on this occasion. Peter Martyr mentions Hooper's unseasonable and bitter sermons, which it seems his heat carried him to; and probably that was the reason that moved the council to command him to keep his house, unless it were to go to the archbishop of Canterbury; or to the bishops of Ely, London, or Lincoln, for the satisfaction of his conscience, and not to preach or read, until he had further licence. But he did not obey this order: he writ a book on the subject, and printed it. This gave more distaste. He also went about and complained of the council, for which, being called before the board, he was committed to the archbishop's cus

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tody, to be reformed by him, or to be further punished. The archbishop represented that he could in no sort work upon him, but that he declared himself for another way of ordination upon that he was on the 27th of January committed to the Fleet.

Micronius, a minister of the German church at London, in a letter to Bullinger on the 28th of August 1550, tells him, that the exception that Hooper had to the oath of supremacy, was, because the form was, by God, by the saints, and by the Holy Gospels. This he thought impious; and when he was before the council, the king being present, he argued that God only ought to be appealed to in an oath, for he only knew the thoughts of men. The king was so fully convinced by this, that with his own pen he struck these words out of the oath, saying, that no creature was to be appealed to in an oath. This being cleared, no scruple remained but with relation to the habits. The king and council were inclined to order him to be dispensed with as to these. But Ridley prevailed with the king not to dispense in that matter. The thing was indifferent, and therefore the law ought to be obeyed. This had such an effect, that all Hooper's exceptions were after that heard with great prejudice. Micronius was on Hooper's side, as well as Alasco. Ridley had opposed the settling the German church in a different way from the rites of the church of England: but Alasco had prevailed to obtain an entire liberty for them to continue in the same forms of worship and government in which they had been constituted beyond sea, in which he had been assisted by Cranmer. It is added in that letter, that it was believed that the emperor had sent one over to carry away the Lady Mary secretly, but the design was discovered and defeated. To explain this matter of the oath, I shall insert in the Collection (No. v) the oath of the bishops, as it was practised in King Henry's reign, and continued to be used to that time, which is on record, and is among Mr. Rymer's manuscripts. Hooper's matter hung in suspense nine whole months; in which time he seemed positively resolved not to yield, not without severe and indecent reflections on those who used the habits. Cranmer expressed a willingness to have yielded to him; but Ridley and Goodrick stood firm to the law: while many reflected on them, as insisting too much on a thing practised by themselves, as if vain-glory and self-love had been their chief motives: they said, they wished that distinction of habits was abolished, but they thought the breaking through laws was so bad a precedent, and might have such ill consequences, that they could not consent to it. Bucer and