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given for wages and diets, and for the masters in chancery, for 5421. 15s. yearly: 50l. was ordered for attending on the star-chamber every term and besides that, a salary was given of 3001. and 641. for twelve tuns of wine, and 16. for wax*. All these were granted the 21st of September, but were to commence from the 23d of August. On the 24th of August there was an order sent to the keeper of Newgate to receive and keep John Melvil, a Scot, and a very seditious preacher; so he was called in the warrant. On the same day a letter was written to the mayor of Canterbury, to set Panton, vicar of St. Dunstan's, and one Burden, on the pillory, for seditious words against the queen; and to take bonds at their discretion for their good abearing. On the 26th of August, a letter was writ to the mayor of Coventry to apprehend Symonds, a vicar there, and to send him up with such matter as can be procured to charge him with: "and to punish at their discretion such slanderous talkers, as by his lewd preaching have had dissolute and seditious talk."

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Here is a great deal of heat in ten days' time. Cranmer was called before the council in the beginning of August; probably on the account of his signing King Edward's will, and acting upon it but since so many of those who had signed it were then at the council-board, they were perhaps ashamed to proceed further against him, who had opposed it so much. He had for that time only a severe reprimand, and was commanded to keep his house. He was brought again before some of the queen's commissioners, being cited to appear, and to bring the inventory of his goods with him. He brought it, but no further proceedings against him are mentioned at that time. On the 29th of August, Hooper appeared before the council: on the 1st of September he was sent to the Fleet, no regard being had to the active zeal that he had expressed in asserting the queen's right, and against the Lady Jane; so sincerely did he follow the dictates of his conscience, when he could not but see what consequences it was like to have. On the 2d, order was given that his servant might attend on him. On the 31st of August, Coverdale appeared before them, and in respect that he was a foreigner, he was ordered to attend till further order. On the 2d of September, Sanders, vicar in Coventry, appeared before the council, and a letter was written to the mayor of Leicester to bring up their vicar: on the 4th of September, Latimer was summoned to appear, and a letter was written to the mayor of Coventry to set Symonds at

* Rymer MSS.

liberty, upon his repentance, for a wish he had uttered, wishing they were hanged that said mass; if he refused to do that, the mayor was to give notice of it.

On the 5th of September a letter was written to Sir John Sidenham, to let the strangers depart, and to give them a passport. This related to the congregation of the foreigners, that had settled in order to set up a manufacture at Glastonbury. On the 10th of September a letter of thanks was ordered for the gentlemen of Cornwall, for their honest proceeding in electing knights for the parliament: it seems there was some debate about it with the sheriff: for a letter was written to him to accept of the election; and not to trouble the county for any alteration. On the 13th of September it is entered, that Latimer, for his seditious demeanour, should be close prisoner in the Tower, with a servant to attend him. On the same day Cranmer was ordered to appear the next day at the star chamber. On the 14th in the star chamber, Cranmer, as well for his treason against the queen, as for spreading seditious bills moving tumults, to the disquieting the present state, was sent to the Tower, and referred to justice. There are several orders made for restoring all chalices to churches, together with all other goods belonging to them, though they had been sent into the great wardrobe. On the 4th of October the archbishop of York was committed to the Tower for divers offences; and Horn, the dean of Duresme, was summoned again and again, but he thought fit to go beyond sea. Nothing gave more offence than the promoting petitions for retaining the doctrine and service settled in King Edward's time. Those of Maidstone were charged with it; and this is on several occasions mentioned in the council book. But as the government was thus set to overthrow all that had been done in King Edward's time; so the fierceness of the popish party made them on many occasions outrun the government: some of the clergy continued to perform the daily worship, and to celebrate the sacrament; more they durst not do in public, all preaching being forbidden. The people that favoured the Reformation frequented the service with great devotion and zeal, for all saw what was coming on them: and so they studied to prepare themselves for it. Some of the ruder multitudes came into their churches, and disturbed them while they were at their devotions: they insulted the ministers, and laughed at their worship; and there were everywhere informers with false stories, to charge the more zealous preachers in many places the people broke in violently into churches, and set up altars, and the mass in them, before the parliament met to change the laws.

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The duke of Northumberland showed that abjectness of mind, that might have been expected from so insolent a man, loaded with so much guilt. He begged his life with all possible meanness, that he might do penance all the days of his life, if it were in a mouse-hole." He went to mass in the Tower, and received the sacrament in the popish manner. He sent for Gardiner, and asked him if there was no hope for him to live and do penance for his sins. The bishop said, his offence was great, and he would do well to provide for the worst; especially to see that he stood well with God in matters of conscience and religion for, to speak plainly, he said, he thought he must die. The duke desired he might have a learned priest sent him, for his confession and spiritual comfort. "For religion, he said, he could be of no other but of his: he never was of any other indeed he complied in King Edward's days only out of ambition, for which he prayed God to forgive him, and he promised that he would declare that at his death." The bishop shed many tears, and seemed to be troubled for him : and as he reported himself, he pressed the queen so much, that he had almost gained her consent for his life. But the emperor, who was then designing the marriage, that took effect afterwards, saw what a struggle there might be against that, and what mischief such a man might afterwards do; so he wrote his advice for his death positively to the queen; and he was executed, and died as he had lived.

Gates and Palmer, who suffered with him, had tried how far the going to mass, and receiving the sacrament in the popish way, could save them: but when they were brought to suffer, Gates confessed, "that he had lived as viciously as any in the world. He was a great reader of the Scriptures, but no man followed them less; he read them only to dispute. He exhorted people to consider how they read God's holy word, otherwise it would be but poison to them. Palmer thanked God for his affliction, and said, he had learned more in one dark corner of the Tower, than he had ever learned formerly: he had there come to see God in his works, and in his mercies; and had seen himself a mass of sin, and of all vileness the vilest." He seemed not daunted with the fear of death, though he saw two die before him, and the bloody axe coming to finish the business on himself. I find nothing new with relation to the session of parlia

ment.

The writ upon which the convocation was summoned was directed to Cranmer, but executed by Bonner, bishop of London. Weston was chosen prolocutor: and the queen sent a message to them, to dispute about religion. Igave

formerly an account of that disputation, and can add little to it. The minutes tell us, that Philips, who was one of the five that refused to subscribe, did, on the 30th of April, recant, and subscribe. It is, indeed, of little consequence, to inquire into the proceedings of the convocation during this reign, in which all the old notions of popery were taken up, even before they were enacted; though both this convocation and the next were summoned by the queen's writ, with the title of supreme head of the church.

There was at this time an infamous slander set about, of the queen's being with child by Gardiner. The queen's whole life being innocent as to all such things, that might have made them to despise such a report, rather than to trace it up besides, Gardiner's great age made that none could believe it. But the earl of Sussex, in his officious zeal, pursued it through eight or ten hands: and one at last was indicted for having reported it*; though such an absurd lie had, perhaps, been better neglected, than so minutely inquired into. In the same letter that mentions this, the earl of Sussex gives an account of examinations, touching a design for an insurrection, upon the arrival of the prince of Spain.

The emperor had, on the 21st of December, signed a commission, empowering the count of Egmond, and others, to treat a marriage between his son and the queen. Upon their coming to England, the queen gave a commission, on the 1st of January (1554), to the lord chancellor, and others, to treat with them. And Prince Philip of Spain did, on the 28th of April, send from Valladolid full powers to the same effect. That which quickened the treaty was, an account of a vast treasure that was come with the fleet from the West Indies to Seville; reckoned to have brought over five millions, as Mason wrote from Brussels. He does not denominate the millions, whether pounds or crowns. He wishes the half were true. It was necessary to have a great treasure in view for though I never found any hint of the corrupting of parliament-men before this time, yet there was now an extraordinary occasion for it; and they saw where only the treasure to furnish it could be had. A concurrence of many circumstances seemed to determine all things for this marriage. Every thing was agreed to: the conditions seemed to be of great advantage to the nation. In this treaty of marriage, if Cæsar Campana (who wrote Philip's life very copiously) was well informed, Philip himself was extremely disgusted at itt: for he desired to be married to

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* MSS. Petyt.

Part iii, Book vi.

a wife more suitable to his own age. He adds another par ticular, "that the nation showed such an aversion to it, that the count of Egmond, with the others sent over to treat about it, saw themselves in such danger, that they were forced to fly away, that they might avoid it; and a parlia ment was to be called, to approve of the conditions of the treaty."

Sir Thomas Wiat was a man that had been oft employed in embassies, particularly in Spain; where he had made such observations upon the subtilty and cruelty of the Spaniards, and of the treatment that such kingdoms and provinces met with, that came under their yoke, that he could not look on the misery that his country was like to fall under without a just concern about it. He was the duke of Northumberland's kinsman, yet he would not join in Lady Jane's business and before he knew that any others had done it, he proclaimed the queen at Maidstone; but he did not, upon that, run to her for thanks, as others did yet the queen was so sensible of his loyalty and zeal for her, that she sent her thanks to him by the earl of Arundel; to whom he appealed, as to this particular, when he was under examination in the Tower. He had obtained a pass to go beyond sea; but his lady being with child, he stayed to see the end of that. Nothing set him on to raise the country as he did, but his love and zeal for the public. He never pretended that religion was his motive; many papists joined with him. When he passed by Charing-Cross, he might have turned to Whitehall, which was but ill defended, for many of the earl of Pembroke's men came over to him. This showed that he meant no harm to the queen's person. His marching into London was on design to engage the city to come and join with him in a petition to the queen against the Spanish match. The queen herself was so satisfied, as to his good intentions, that she intended to have pardoned him, had not a message from the prince of Spain determined her to order his head to be cut off. I suppose there may be a mistake here; and that it was the emperor, then in Flanders, and not the prince of Spain, who was yet in Spain, that sent this advice. He never accused the Lady Elizabeth: but being entangled by questions in one examination, he had said somewhat reflecting on the earl of Devonshire; for this he begged his pardon. And when he was on the scaffold, he not only cleared the Lady Elizabeth, but referred himself, with relation to her innocence, and that she was not privy to their matters, to the declaration he had made to the council. All this account concerning him I take from a relation that his son gave afterwards to the

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