pretensions of the queen of Scotland. Of these, the industrious Mr. Strype has gathered many instances, that showed on the one hand their seditious tempers, and on the other hand, the great mildness of the government, different from the cruelty of the former reign. To put a stop to these, she did by one proclamation prohibit all preaching; and by another, all alterations by private hands.

As her ministers advised this caution in matters of religion, so they persuaded her to digest the loss of Calais, and to come into a peace with France and Scotland.

They likewise thought of new alliances. In order to this, Mount was brought into England again; and had secret instructions given him by Cecil to go to all the princes of Germany, to know how far the queen might depend on their assistance; and to receive the advices that the princes offered with relation to the affairs of England, and in particular concerning a proper marriage for the queen. He found them ready to receive the queen into the Smalcaldic league; chiefly, if the Reformation that was intended might be made upon their model. The match they all proposed was with Charles of Austria, the emperor Ferdinand's second son, brother to Maximilian, the king of Bohemia and Hungary, who was known to be a protestant: for though he complied in the outward acts of the popish worship, yet he had a minister in his court, whom he heard frequently preach. Both the elector palatine and the duke of Wirtemberg assured Mount, that Charles designed, as soon as he durst, for fear of his father's displeasure, to decla.c himself of their religion. He said to one of these princes, "I love the religion that my brother holds, and approve of it, and will, by the grace of God, profess it openly. He told him, that his father suspected this; and had pressed him to take an oath that he would never change his religion. He refused that; but said to his father, that he believed, as he did, all that was in the New Testament, and in the orthodox fathers. Upon which, the emperor said, I see this son is likewise corrupted." They thought this match would be a great strengthening of the queen: it would engage the whole house of Austria in the protestant religion, and unite the whole empire in an alliance with the queen. This was writ to the queen in the year 1559; but in the copy I saw *the particular date is not added.

The news of the queen's coming to the crown no sooner reached Zurick, than all those who had retired thither resolved to return to England. They had been entertained

* Cotton Library, Galba, II.

there, both by the magistrates and the ministers, Bullinger, Gualter, Weidner, Simler, Lavater, Gesner, and all the rest of that body, with a tenderness and affection that engaged them to the end of their lives to make the greatest acknowledgments possible for it. The first of these was, in all respects, the chief person of that society, with whom they held the closest correspondence. Peter Martyr was likewise there, and was treated by them all with a singular respect, even to a submission. Jewel was first formed by him at Oxford, and so continued to his death in a constant commerce of letters with him, writing always to him by the title of Father. I saw a great volume of those letters, as I passed through Zurick in the year 1685; so I was desirous to have the volume sent me; but I found, that by their rules that could not be done. I also understood, that there were several letters relating to our affairs scattered through several other volumes; so Professor Otto did kindly, and with much zeal, undertake to get them to be copied for me. The person who managed and procured this for me was that pious and learned professor at Geneva, Alphonsus Turretin, born to be a blessing to the state he lives in. He has given the world already, on many occasions, great instances of his exquisite learning, and of a most penetrating judgment, having made a vast progress in a few years; in which a feeble and tender body, though it is a great clog, that gives his friends many sad apprehensions, yet cannot keep down an exalted mind from many performances, that seem to be both above his years and his strength. But how valuable soever these qualities are, yet his zeal for the great things of religion, and his moderation in lesser matters, together with a sublime and exalted piety, is that which I observed in him, even when he was scarce out of childhood; and have, with a continual joy and delight, seen the advances of it ever since. This grateful account of him I owe, not so much to his friendship (though I owe a great deal to that), but to his rare and singular worth. By his means I procured copies of the letters that our reformers continued to write, chiefly to Peter Martyr, Bullinger, and Gualter: and with them I have a solemn attestation, under the seal of that noble Canton, of their being true copies, carefully collated with the originals; which I have put at the end of the Collection. If there had not been many interruptions in the series of those letters, they are so particular, that from them we should have had a clear thread of the history of that time: but many of them are lost, and they are wanting on some of the most critical occasions. I shall make the best use of them I can, as far as they lead me.

Horn and Sands went first to England: so Jewel, who was following them, writes from Strasburg, on the 26th of January 1559, to Peter Martyr (Collect. No. xliv); and adds, "that they were well received by the queen; that many bishoprics were void; Christopherson was certainly dead; that White, whom Martyr knew well, had preached the funeral-sermon when Queen Mary was buried: the text was, I praised the dead more than the living' in which he charged the audience, by all means, not to suffer any change to be made in religion. Inveighing against the fugitives, that might perhaps return to England, he said, whosoever should kill them, would do a deed acceptable to God. Upon this he writes, that both the marquis of Winchester, and Heath, archbishop of York, seemed highly displeased at it. He adds, that Bonner was obliged to restore to Ridley's executors all his goods, that he had violently seized on, and was confined to his house." I have seen a copy of White's sermon. In it he commends Queen Mary for this, that she would never be called "head of the church:" though the falsehood of that is on record, in the writs that were sealed for above a year after she came to the crown. He runs out with great fury against heresy: Geneva is, in particular, named the seat of it. He says, Queen Mary's death was like the death of an angel, if they were mortal. He insinuates his fears of "flying in the winter, on the sabbath," or being with child;" all which he represents as allegorical. Yet he has some decent words of the queen; and says, they were to comfort themselves for the death of one sister, in the other that survived.

Gualter wrote to one Masters, who was the queen's physician, and was well known to him, on the 16th of January (Collect. No. xlv). He congratulates the happy change of their affairs. He wishes (1 translate his words strictly) that they would not hearken to the counsels of those men, who, when they saw that popery could not be honestly defended, nor entirely retained, would use all artifices to have the outward face of religion to remain mixed, uncertain, and doubtful: so that while an evangelical reformation is pretended, those things should be obtruded on the church, which will make the returning back to popery, to superstition, and to idolatry, very easy. I write not these things to you, he adds, as knowing that there are any such among you; but 1 write, from a fear that there may be some such. For we have had the experience of this for some years in Germany, and know what influence such persons may have. Their councils seem, to a carnal judgment, to be full of modesty, and well fitted for carrying on an universal agree

ment and we may well believe, that the common enemy of our salvation will find out proper instruments, by whose means the seeds of popery may still remain among you. A little after he writes, that he apprehends, that in the first beginnings, while men may study to avoid the giving some small offence, many things may be suffered, under this colour, that they will be continued but for a little while; and yet afterwards, it will scarce be possible, by all the endeavours that can be used, to get them to be removed, at least not without great strugglings." Dr. Masters, in answer to this, tells him, he had laid his letter before the queen, and that she had read it all. He promises to use his best endeavours for carrying on a sound reformation. This plainly insinuated their fears of somewhat like what was designed by the Interim in Germany.

Francis, earl of Bedford, had gone out of England in Queen Mary's time, and stayed some time at Zurick: he had expressed a true zeal for the Reformation, and a particular regard for the divines there; of which a letter in the Collection (No. xlvi) gives a clear account and upon that they wrote often to him, and pressed him vehemently to take care in the first beginnings to have all things settled upon sure and sound foundations.

On the 24th of January the convocation was opened; but the bishops, in obedience to the queen's proclamation against preaching, did not think fit to open it with a sermon. Those who I find are marked as present are, the bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Worcester, Coventry and Litchfield, and the abbot of Westminster: these appeared personally. And the bishops of Ely, Peterborough, and St. Asaph, sent their proxies. But no mention is made of the bishops of Bath and Wells, St. David's, Landaff, and Exeter. All the other sees were then vacant; Canterbury, Salisbury, Norwich, Chichester, Hereford, Gloucester, Oxford, Bangor, Bristol, and Rochester; ten in all. Harpsfield was chosen prolocutor. He asked, what they had to do, and what was to be done, to preserve religion? The bishops answered, they must pray the queen, that no new burthen might be laid on the clergy in this parliament. This was to prevent the demand of a new subsidy, the former not being yet paid. In the seventh session, the prolocutor offered to the bishops the five articles mentioned in my History. These they had drawn up for the discharge of their consciences, and they desired the bishops to be their leaders in this matter. The bishops received their paper, and promised to offer it next day to the house of lords. In the next session, the prolocutor and clergy came up, and asked the bishops, if they

had delivered their paper to the house of lords? Bonner · answered, that they had delivered it to the lord keeper, the mouth of that house; who, to all appearance, received it kindly, or thankfully (gratanter), but gave them no answer. The clergy desired the bishops to get an answer from him, or at least to know his pleasure before their next meeting. In the ninth session, the bishops told the clergy, that they had not yet found a fit opportunity to obtain an answer from the house of lords. On the tenth session, Bonner told the clergy, that all their articles, except the last, which was, "that the authority of treating and defining, in matters of the faith, of the sacraments, and of ecclesiastical discipline, belonged to the pastors of the church, and not to the laity," were approved by the two universities. After this came only perpetual prorogations from day to day, without any business done, till the 9th of May, in which the convocation was dissolved. So this was the last and feeble struggle that the popish clergy made in convocation.

The bishops stood firm in the house of lords, where there were none of the other side to answer them, few of the temporal lords being very learned. They seemed to triumph there; and hung so upon the wheels that there was a slow progress made. On the 20th of March, Jewel writes to Peter Martyr (Collect. No. xlvii)," that after a journey of fifty-one days, from the time he left Zurick, he got to London; where he was amazed to find the pope's authority was not yet thrown off: masses were still said, and the bishops continued still insolent. Things were beginning to mend a little. A public disputation was then resolved on: and he adds, that the queen spoke with greatesteem of Peter Martyr. The inferior sort of the populace was both ignorant and perverse. He tells him, Brooks, bishop of Gloucester, whom he calls an impure beast, was newly dead; and cried out, as he was dying, that he was damned.'

Jewel, in a letter to Bullinger from London, on the 22d of May, 1559, which is in the Collection (No. xlviii), after great acknowledgment of his obligations to him and to all Zurick, thanks him for quickening them to act with zeal and courage. There was need of it; for besides those who had been always their enemies, the deserters, who had left them in the former reign, were now their most bitter enemies. Besides this, the Spaniards had corrupted the morals of the nation to a great degree: they were doing what they could, and all things were coming into a better state. The queen did very solemnly refuse to be called head of the church she thought that title was only due to Christ. The universities were strangely corrupted by Soto, and another