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Testament and the Old, in the vulgar tongue, in Inglis or Scotts, of a good and tru translation; and that they shall incurre no crime, for the having or reding of the same. Provided always, that no man dispute, or hold opinions, under the pains contained in the acts of parliament.

The lords of articles found this reasonable; and thought, that the Bible might be used among all the lieges of the realm, in our vulgar tongue, of a good, true, and just translation, because there was no law showed to the contrary. And therefore they agreed, that none should incur any crime for having or reading it, nor be accused for it; but added the proviso that was added to the draught offered to them.

But the archbishop of Glasgow did, in his own name, and in the name of all the prelates of the realm that were present in parliament when the act came to be read in full parliament, "dissent (simpliciter) to it, as being one of the three estates of the parliament: and they opponed them thereto, unto the time that a provincial council might be had of all the clergy of this realm, to advise and conclude thereupon; if the same be necessary to be had in the vulgar tongue, to be used among the queen's lieges or not; and thereafter to show the utter determination that shall be done in that behalf." Upon this he demanded an instrument to be made, according to the forms in that kingdom. But, notwithstanding this opposition, the act passed. For in the same record there is an order entered, as signified by the governor, requiring the clerk of register to cause the acts passed in parliament to be proclaimed; " and in special, the act made for having the New Testament in vulgar tongue, with certain additions." In the copy sent me, this bears date the 19th of March, but I believe it should be May; since the matter was not before the parliament till May. I have set down all this matter almost in the words of the record of parliament that was sent me.

In the same record, the instructions are set down that were given to the ambassadors that were sent to treat concerning the queen's marriage with Edward, prince of Wales; in which it appears, that they thought it necessary, if their sovereign went out of the kingdom, even after she was of perfect age, yet that the governor of the realm should continue to exercise his authority all the days of his life: and that after his death, the nearest lawful person of the blood should succeed to the said office, by a large and ample commission, of which they order a form to be devised.

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The free use of the Scriptures was a great step to let the

nation look into the nature of the Christian religion: and the clergy foresaw well the consequences that would naturally follow upon it; so it was no wonder that this was opposed so zealously by them. It was a great piece of foresight to secure the nation, by having a governor with full powers still residing amongst them. In the subsequent treaty with France, there was not that care nor precaution used but, at the conclusion of the marriage, the French proceeded in so perfidious a manner, as to give a warning to all who in future times should treat with that court. For on the 4th of April 1558 (a fortnight before the articles of the marriage were settled, which was on the 19th of April), the young queen being then but little more than fifteen, a secret act was passed, in which, after she had set forth the ancient alliance between the two crowns, and the honourable entertainment that she had received from the present king of France,

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She, to confirm and establish the affection between the two kingdoms, and in order to unite the kingdom of Scotland to the crown of France, in case she should die without heirs of her body, had made some dispositions in favour of the crown of France, which she intended should have their full effect yet she, by a communication with the deputies sent from Scotland, saw into the secret designs of some, who were practising to the effect, that, in default of heirs of her body, the crown should descend to some lords of the country; depriving her, by that means, to her great regret, of the power of disposing of it. Yet since she could not at that time openly oppose them, for certain just causes of fear; and considering that she was out of her kingdom, and had no strong places in it at her own disposal; and that great troubles might arise, if what she was then doing should be publicly known, especially considering the present war with the kingdom of England: she therefore did protest, that what consent or agreement soever she should make to the articles and instructions sent over by the states of her kingdom, with relation to the successior, in case she should die without heirs of her body; she intended still, that the disposition then made in favour of the crown of France should have its full and entire effect, notwithstanding any agreement she had made, or should yet make, conform to these instructions, as a thing contrary to her will and intention." Upon which she demanded an act from the keeper of the great seal, Bertrandi, who was made a cardinal that year.

This instrument was signed by her, and by the Dauphin, and is printed in that great Collection of the treaties of VOL. III, PART I.

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France that was published twenty years ago It opens a scene of treachery, that, how much soever the design was suspected (as will appear by the paper, of which an account will be given in the following relation), yet it was never certainly known till they themselves have made their own shame thus known to the world. But at that time this was so carefully concealed, that Francis the Second sent a formal obligation under his great seal, by which he bound himself to the duke of Chatelherault to maintain his right of succeeding to the crown of Scotland, in case the queen should die without heirs of her own body. The original obligation is still preserved in Hawdton. The queen's secret act was as ill grounded in law as it was perfidious in itself; for certainly, what power soever our princes, with the concurrence of their parliaments, have to limit the succession to the crown, our princes themselves cannot, by any private act of their own, alter the succession, or dispose of it at pleasure. But to return to that which has led me into this digression.

The knowledge of religion, that the free use of the Scriptures brought the nation to, had such an effect, that the Reformation was everywhere desired; and the vices and ignorance of the popish clergy gave all people an aversion to them. This was long connived at, even by the queen mother, during her government: but now that she thought all was sure, she threw off the mask, and declared herself an open enemy to those whom she had courted hitherto and seemed to favour. Upon this, there was a great and a sudden turn. Popery was the object of all men's hatred: the churches were purged from idolatry and superstition: the monasteries were broke into; and many acts of hot and irregular zeal were complained of in all the corners of the kingdom.

One thing is not a little to the honour of Knox and his followers, in that tumultuary reformation, that the multitude was so governed, even amidst all that popular heat, that no blood was shed, and no man was killed in it: which being positively delivered by Lesley t, bishop of Rosse, that must be looked on as a testimony beyond exception.

But since the affairs of Scotland have not hitherto been

Recueil des Traites, to. ii, p. 508.

"Nobilium qui hæreseas obstringebantur crimine, humanitas non est reticenda, quod eo tempore paucos catholicos de religionis re mulctarint exilio, pauciores carcere, morte nullos."-Leslæus de Rebus Scot., 1. 10.

so clearly represented as I find them stated in some original papers that I fell on in the Cotton Library, I will give a full account of them, as far as those papers do guide me.

There is a long representation drawn up, of the breach of faith, and of the violation of their laws, during the government of the queen regent of Scotland: at the end of which there is a petition to the queen, signed by the great lords of that kingdom, in which both papists and protestants concurred. And in order to obtain that concurrence, the matters of religion are not insisted on; but the continued course of a perfidious and illegal administration is charged on the queen dowager. So that from this it appears, that the war was not begun nor carried on upon the account of religion, but upon the pretence of public and national rights. I have put it in the Collection (No. liii).

"They begin it to show, that the arms that they were forced to fly to was no rebellion. They run the matter back to the first proposition for carrying their queen into France; which, they say, was obtained, partly by corruption with money, partly by authority, and partly by fair promises: yet, before that was agreed to, a treaty was made by the parliament, and sworn to, as well as ratified by the great seals of the king and dauphin of France, that Scotland should be governed by their own laws, and by the nobility and people of Scotland: that all offices should be given to them; and, that no garrisons of the French should be admitted to settle in the kingdom. Great practice was made after that to bring the parliament to consent, that their queen should marry the dauphin; and, to obtain that, the succession to the crown was declared to belong to the duke of Chatelherault and his heirs, after the heirs of the queen's body. New oaths were then taken, and charters given under the great seal of France, and under their queen and the dauphin's seal, that Scotland should be governed by a council of natives: the castles were also to be put in sure hands. Duplicates of these were lodged in the castle of Edinburgh, and with the duke of Chatelherault. Upon this an embassy was sent to France, of two bishops, two earls, and four lords; and the marriage was concluded. They were upon that dealt with, to endeavour that the crown of Scotland might be given to the dauphin. They refused to undertake that; and believed that it could not be brought about. The word upon that was changed; and it was desired only, that the matrimonial crown might be sent him" (which was afterwards explained in the act of parliament that granted it, that he should be king of Scot

land during life). "The lords were suffered to return; but when they came to Dieppe, one bishop, two earls, and two lords, died in one night. The three that were left came home much amazed, believing that the others had been poisoned."

Here I must add another particular relating to that deputation. In the council-book, that goes from April 1554 to January 1558, that was cast by and neglected, many leaves being cut out of it, and was first discovered by a nephew of mine, whom I desired to search their register for me, it appears, that on the 13th of December, 1557, there was a tax laid on the kingdom, to be paid in before Easter, for the expense of that embassy, of 15,000l. Scots money, that is, 1,250l. sterling; which was to be levied by the same proportion that all the taxes were then levied, of which there are several instances in that book: the one half was levied on the spiritualty, and two-thirds of the other half was on estates in land, and the other third was levied on the boroughs. This shows, that the estates of the spiritualty were then reckoned, by a settled proportion, the full half of the kingdom. The persons deputed were, the archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop of Orkney, and the prior of St. Andrew's (afterwards earl of Murray), the earls of Cassiles and Rothes, and the Lord Fleming; with the provost of Edinburgh, and of Montross. When I wondered how so small a sum could answer the expense of so great an embassy, on such an occasion, he showed me, that either the value of money, or, which is the same thing, the value of things to be purchased by money, is almost incredibly changed now, in the course of one hundred and sixty years, of which he gave me this instance; the tun of wine was then by act of parliament to be sold at twenty livres; or, in sterling money, at 1l. 13s. 4d.; and in the retailing of it, their pint, which is four English pints, was to be sold at four farthings, their penny having six farthings; so that, reducing this to English measures, three quarts of wine were to be sold for a penny. This I thought a small digression, which the reader would not be ill pleased to find laid in his way. To return to the Scotch memorial.

"The queen dowager took two methods to gain her point: the one was, to show favour to all those who had received no favour of the duke during his government, because they were in the interest of England; whereas he was at that time in the interest of France: the other was, she offered them a permission to live according to their conscience in religion; in conclusion, the queen dowager brought the par

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