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nistration of the sacraments. And that they, considering the misbehaviour of the French among them, and the intolerable oppression of the poor by their soldiers, maintained by the queen dowager, under colour of authority, together with the tyranny of their captains, and the manifest danger of becoming their conquest, to which they were then reduced by fortifications on the sea-coast, and other

tempts, do promise to join with the queen of England's army, then come in to their assistance, for driving out those their oppressors, and for recovering their ancient liberty, that so they may be ruled by the laws and customs of their country, and by the natives of the kingdom, under the obedience of the king and queen their sovereign. And they promise, that they shall hold no private intelligence with their enemies, but by the advice of the rest, or at the least of five of their number; and that they shall prosecute this cause as if it were the cause of every one of them in particular, and hold all who withstand it as their enemies; and that they will prosecute them as such, according to the orders of the council, to whom they refer the direction of the whole matter, promising in all ihings to submit to their arbitration.

This was first subscribed at Edinburgh on the 27th of April, in the year 1560, and is signed by the duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Arran, Huntly, Argyle, Mortoune, and some others, whose hands are not legible; and by the lords Salton, Ruthen, Boyd, Ogilby, Uchiltre, the abbot of Kinloss, and the commendator of Kilwinniny: about one hundred and forty more subscribed it. This was the bond that was signed by those who were at that time at Edinburgh : and it is probable, that many other bonds of the same nature were signed about the same time in other parts of the kingdom, but they have not been so carefully preserved as this has been. The earl of Huntly, though he continued still a papist, signing it, shows, that either the ill usage he had met with from the queen dowager had shaken him in his religion, or that provocation and interests were then stronger in him than his principles. But I leave my conjectures to go on with the History.

On the 2d of November, Jewel being returned from the circuit which he was ordered to make, wrote (in a letter to Peter Martyr, to be found in the Collection, No. lvi), “ that the people were much better disposed to the gospel than it was apprehended they could be: but he adds, that superstition had made a most extraordinary progress in Queen Mary's short reign. The people were made believe, they had in many places pieces of the true cross, and of the nails with which Christ was crucified: so that the cathedral churches were dens of robbers; and none were more violent and obstinate than those who had been before of their body; as if by that they would justify their falling off from them. They had turned them all out. Harding went away, and would not change again. Smith, who had been a violent opposer of Peter Martyr in Oxford, fled towards Scotland, but was taken on the borders, and brought back; and had abjured a fifth time, and was then become a violent enemy to the papists.” In another letter he tells him, “Smith was married ; and that, being hated and despised by all sides, he was forced to keep a public-house." Jewel wrote, " that if they had inore hands matters would go well; but it was hard to make a cart go without horses. He was glad to hear Peter Martyr was sent for: but he owns he had his fears still, that though things were begun well, they would not end so well.” He adds, “We are islanders in all respects. Oxford wanted him extremely. The queen was then courted, both by the king of Sweden and by Charles of Austria.” It was then given out, that Sweden was full of mines of gold, and only wanted skill and industry to work them: but he wntes, “ Perhaps the queen meant to marry one nearer at hand” (he gives no other bint in that letter, to let it be understood of whom he meant; probably it was Pickering, as appears in another letter). He concludes, “ that though religion did make a quick progress in Scotland, yet that the French did not despair of bringing that kingdom back to their obedience, and of restoring their religion in it.”

On the same day he wrote to Simler, who had congratulated him upon the news they had of his being to be promoted to a bishopric. He wrote, “ that there was yet nothing but a nomination of him.” He adds, “We hope our bishops shall be pastors, labourers, and watchmen. And that they may be better fitted for this, the great riches of bishoprics are to be diminished, and to be reduced to a certain mediocrity; that so, being delivered from that kinglike pomp, and the noisiness of a courtly family, they may live in greater tranquillity, and may have more leisure to take care of Christ's Hock with due attention.”

On the 5th of November he wrote (Collect. No. lvii), “ that he found debates raised concerning the vestments, which he calls the habit of the stage, and wishes they could be freed from it. He says, they were not wanting to so good a cause : but otliers seemed to love those things, and to follow the ignorance of some priests, who were stupid as logs of wood, having neither spirit, learning, nor good life to commend them ; but studied to recommend themselves by that comical habit, while no care was taken of learning, or of breeding up of youth. They hoped to strike the eyes of the people with those ridiculous trifles. These are the relics of the Amorites : that cannot be denied. He wishes, that at some time or other all these may be taken away and extirpated, to the very deepest roots. He complains of a feebleness in the councils: they still talked of bringing Martyr over ; but he feared that we looked too much towards Saxony to expect that. Some among them, he says, were so much set on the matter of the habits, as if the Christian religion consisted in garments: but we (says he) are not called to the consultations concerning that scenical apparel : he could set no value on these fopperies. Some were crying up a golden mediocrity; he was afraid it would prove a leaden one.”

On the 16th of November he wrote, in a letter to be found in the Collection (No. lviii), “ that the doctrine was everywhere purely preached. There was in many places too much folly concerning ceremonies and masks. The crucifix continued still in the queen's chapel. They all spake freely against it, but till then without effect. There was a secret piece of worldly policy in this, which he did not like. He complains of the uncertain and island-like state of their affairs : all was loose at present. He did not see in what they would settle, and did not know but he should be obliged to return back to Zurick again.”

In December and January the consecration of the bishops came on. But here a stop lies in my way. For some months the thread of the letters to Zurick, by which I have been hitherto guided, is discontinued. At this time an ambassador came over from Ferdinand the emperor, with letters dated the Ilth of February 1560, proposing a match between his son, Arch-duke Charles, and the queen. He had writ of it to her before, but thought fit to follow these letters with a formal embassy. The originals are yet extant *. The queen wrote an answer in form, and signed it: but it seems that was, on some considerations, not thought fit to be sent, for the original is in the Paper-office. It will be found in the Collection (No. lix).

“ The queen wrote, that, examining her own sentiments in that matter very carefully, she did not perceive any inclination to change her solitary life, but found herself more fixed to continue still in it. She hoped the emperor would favourably receive and rightly understand what she wrote

* Cotton Library, Galba, 11.

to him. It might indeed seem strange, considering her age and her circumstances; but this was no new resolution, nor taken up on the sudden, but was the adhering to an old settled purpose. There had been a time in which her accepting some honourable propositions might have delivered her out of very great dangers and troubles ; on which she would make no other reflections, but that neither the fear of danger, nor the desire of liberty, could then move her to bring her mind to hearken to them. She will not, by a plain refusal, seem to offend nim ; yet she cannot give occasion, by any of her words, to make him think that she accepts of that to which she cannot bring her mind and will.” Dated the 5th of January 1559. Signed, your majesty's good sister and cousin, Elizabeth : countersigned, Rog. Ascham.

The first letter of Jewel's, after his consecration, is on the 4th of February 1560. It is in the Collection (No.lx). He teils Peter Martyr, “ they were then engaged in the question about the lawfulness of having images in churches (which he calls Lis Crucularia). It could scarce be believed to what a degree of folly some men, who were thought to have a right judgment of things, were carried in that matter. There was not one of all those whom he knew, that was drawn to be of that mind, besides Cox. There was to be a conference concerning it the day following. Parker and Cox on the one hand, and Grindal and he on the other hand, were to debate it in the hearing of some of the council: he could not but laugh within himself, when he thought what grave and solid reasonings would be brought out on this occasion. He was told, that it was resolved on to have crucifixes, of silver or tin, set up in all churches; and that such as would not obey this would be turned out of their bishoprics: if that was true, he would be no longer a bishop. White, bishop of Winchester, Oglethorp of Carlisle, Bain of Coventry and Litchfield, and Tonstal of Duresme, were lately dead. In another he writes, that Bonner was sent to the Tower, and that he went to see some criminals that were kept there, and called them his friends and neighbours . but one of them answered, Go, you breast, into hell, and find your friends there, for we are none of them. I killed but one man upon a provocation, and do truly repent of it; but you have killed many holy persons, of all sorts, without any provocation from them, and are hardened in your impenitence.'

On the 5th of March he writes, " that a change appeared now more visibly among the people. Nothing promoted it more than the inviting the people to sing psalms; that was Voi. III, PART I.

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begun in one church in London, and did quickly spread itself, not only through the city, but in the neighbouring places: sometimes at Paul's Cross there will be six thousand people singing together. This was very grievous to the papists: the children began to laugh at the priests, as they passed in the streets; and the bishops were called hangmen to their faces. It was said, White died of rage. He commends Cecil much.

Sands, bishop of Worcester, wrote in a letter, on the Ist of April 1560, which will be found in the Collection (No. lxi), “ that after he returned from executing the injunctions aud preaching in the north, he was pressed to accept of the bishopric of Worcester : he saw, if he absolutely refused it, the queen would have been highly oftenued. He found it more truly a burthen than an honour. The doctrine of the sacrament was pure, to which he and his brethren were resolved to adhere firmly, as long as they lived. There was yet a question concerning images : the queen thought that was not contrary to the word of God, and it seemed convenient to have a crucifix, with the blessed Virgin and Saint John, still in her chapel. Some of them could not bear this: We had, says he, according to our injunctions, taken away all the images that we found in churches, and burned them. We see superstitious people plainly worship this idol : upon this, he had spoken freely to the queen ; with that she was so displeased as to threaten to deprive him; she was since that time more softened, and the images were removed: but the popish vestments were still lised; yet he hoped that should not last long. He laments much that Peter Martyr was not sent for. It was easy to guess what it was that hindered it; it was the pre tence of unity, that gave occasion to the greatest divisions."

Parkhurst came into England in the end of the year 1559. He went to his church of Cleve in Gloucestershire, and kept out of the way of the court. He writes, that many bishops would be glad to change conditions with him. He heard he had been named to a bishopric, but he had dealt earnestly with some great men to spare him in ihat: when he came through London, both Parker and a privy counsellor had pressed him to accept of one, but he could not resolve on being miserable.

Sampson had been with the other divines at Zurick, and was reckoned by them both a learned and a pious man: while he was coming to England with the rest, he was informed that a bishopric was designed for him ; so he wrote, while he was on his journey, to Peter Martyr, for his advice, as will be found in the Collection (No.Ixii), in this, “whe

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