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into the hands of those who carried them to Rome, where they lie in the library of the Vatican. I saw them there, and knew King Henry's hand too well, not to be convinced at first sight that they were writ by him. I did not think it fit for me to copy them out, but prevailed with my worthy friend Dr. Fall to do it for me. They were very ill writ, the hand is scarce legible, and the French seems faulty but since our travellers are encouraged to look on them, I gave a copy of them to the printer, to be printed apart; for I could not think it proper to put them in the Collection. Objections lay in my way, even as to this; they were trifling letters; some insinuations are not very decent, and little wit occurred in them to season them in any sort; yet they carry the characters of an honourable love, directed all to marriage; and they evidently show that there was nothing amiss, as to the main point, in their commerce. So, since those at Rome make so ill an use of them, as to pretend that they are full of defilement, and in derision call them the true original of our Reformation, all these considerations prevailed on me to suffer them to be printed apart, for I did not think it fitting that such stuff should be mixed with graver matters. So I ordered them to be printed exactly from the copy, and to take no other care about them, but to give them as I had them. But since I mention that lady, I must add some passages out of a relation made by a son of Sir Thomas Wyat's, of his father's concerns, marked on the back by a hand very like Lord Burleigh's *. He shows how false that story must be, of his father's pretending to King Henry that he had corrupted her. He was then esquire of the body, and did continue still about his person in that post, except when he was employed in embassies abroad. This shows how incredible that fiction of Sanders was; since, if he had pretended to make any such discovery, he must have fallen either under the king's jealousy, or the queen's power; or, to avoid both, he would have withdrawn himself; and probably he would have been afterwards set up a witness to disgrace her at her trial. That relation adds that she was secretly tried in the Tower. Some of the lords declared that her defence did fully clear her; none of the women that served her were brought to witness the least circumstance against her: and all the evidence upon which she was convicted was kept so secret, that it was never known. This I know is put here out of its place, but the thread of other things led me into it: I shall have occasion to mention this paper again in Queen Mary's reign.

* Ex M. V. Gul. Petyt.

The bishop of Bayonne writes*, that even after Campegio came into England, both king and queen did eat at one table, and lodged in one bed (Oct. 16). The queen put on so good a countenance, that to see them together one could discern no breach between them; he tells in that letter, that the earl of Angus, who was married to the queen of Scotland, King Henry's sister, was come up, being banished out of Scotland, because the queen had taken another husband, who was a handsomer man than he was (plus beau compagnon que luy). In his next letter (Oct.21) he writes t, that Wolsey said to him, that the general of the Cordeliers, that good prophet, then a cardinal, had capitulated with the pope in the emperor's name, when the pope was set at liberty. That Cordelier Cardinal was then to sail to Spain: he wished the French would set out some vessels to seize on him, and draw from him the particulars of that treaty; for they knew that, in the articles of that treaty, the reason that obstructed the king's matter would appear. Upon this, after some expostulation that the king of France did not help them in it as he might, Wolsey added, that the first project of the divorce was set on foot by himself, to create a perpetual separation between England and the house of Burgundy: and he had told the king's mother at Compiegne, that, if she lived a year to an end, she would see as great a union with them, and as great a disunion from the other, as she could desire, and bid her lay that up in her memory.

In his next he writes, that both the legates had been with the king and queen. In Campegio's speech to the king, he set forth his merits upon the apostolic see with great pomp. Fox answered him decently in the king's name: the queen answered them more roundly: she spoke with respect to Campegio, but said §, "she thanked the cardinal of York for the trouble she was put to: she had always wondered at his pride and vain-glory; she abhorred his voluptuous life and abominable lewdness, and little regarded his power and tyranny all this rose from his malice to her nephew, the emperor, whom he hated worse than a scorpion, because he would not satisfy his ambition, and make him pope. She blamed him both for the war in which the king was engaged, and for the trouble he put her to by this new-found doubt." The cardinal blushed, and seemed confounded: he said, "he was not the beginner nor the mover of the doubt; and that it was sore against his will that the marriage was brought into question; but since the pope had deputed him as a

* Le Grand, p. 169.

+ Ibid. p. 188.

+ Ibid. p. 175.
§ Vitellus, B. 12.

judge to hear the cause, he swore upon his profession he would hear it indifferently."

On the 1st of November the bishop writes*, that the queen had chosen for her council the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Bath, Rochester, Ely, and Exeter, with the dean of the chapel: but of these, the bishops of London and Rochester, and the dean of the chapel, were the only persons that, in their opinion, were of the queen's side. She expected an advocate, a proctor, and a counsellor from Flanders. It was not allowed her to bring any over from Spain; for there was then war between England and Spain, but the Netherlands had a neutrality granted them. The bishop reckoned that the marriage must be condemned; for, though the pope and all the cardinals had approved it, they could not maintain it, if it was proved, as he was told it would be, that her former marriage was consummated; for, in that case, God himself had determined the matter.'

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On the 8th of November he writest, "that Wolsey had asked him if he could say nothing to invalidate the pope's dispensation, and to prove the marriage unlawful, so that the pope could not dispense in that case; since nothing could unite the two kings so entirely, as the carrying on the divorce must do he heard he was a great divine, so he prayed him to speak his mind freely. The bishop excused himself; but being very earnestly pressed, he put his thoughts in writing, referring for these to his last letter: he sent over a copy of it to Montmorency, and desired he would show it to the bishop of Bourges, who would explain it to him. Wolsey desired that the king's mother would write earnestly to Campegio in favour of the king's cause. The bishop makes great excuses for giving his opinion in the matter he did not sign it; and he gave it only as a private person, and not as an ambassador.

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On the 27th of November the bishop writes +, that he had been with Campegio, and had talked of the pope's dispensation. Campegio would not bear to have the pope's power brought into debate: he thought his power had no limits, and so was unwilling to let that be touched; but he was willing to hear it proved that the dispensation was ill founded. He gives in that letter a relation of the king's sending for the lord mayor of London to give the citizens an account of the scruples he had concerning his marriage and he writes, that he had said the bishop of Tarbe was the first

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+ Ibid. p. 209.

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person that made him entertain them; nor does the bishop of Bayonne pretend to call the truth of that in question.

The same bishop, in his letter of the 9th of December, writes, "That Anne Boleyn was then come to court, and was more waited on than the queen had been for some years: by this they prepared all people for what was to follow. The people were uneasy, and seemed disposed to revolt. It was resolved to send all the strangers out of the kingdom; and it was reckoned there were above fifteen thousand Flemings in London. So the driving all these away would not be easily brought about: care was taken to search for arms, and to keep all quiet. Wolsey, in a great company, above a hundred persons of quality being present, reported, that the emperor had said he would drive the king out of his kingdom by his own subjects: one only of all that company expressed an indignation at it. The advocates that the queen expected from Flanders were come, but had not yet their audience."

In one of the 20th of December the bishop writest, "that the king had showed him what presumptions there were of the forgery of the breve, that they pretended was in Spain; and upon that he went through the whole matter so copiously with him, that he saw he understood it well, and indeed needed no advocate: he desired that some opinions of learned men in France might be got, and be signed by them, if it could be obtained.

By the letter of the 25th of December‡, it appears there was an argument of more weight laid before Campegio; for he was offered Duresme instead of Salisbury. He said to them who offered it, that the pope was about to give him a bishopric of that value in Spain; but the emperor would not consent to it. The lawyers that came from the Netherlands had an audience of the king, in which they took great liberties for they said to him, they wondered to see him forsake his ancient friends, and to unite himself to his mortal enemies. They were answered very sharply. They applied themselves to Campegio with respect, but neglected Wolsey; and after that they had lodged such advices as were sent by them with the queen, they returned home.

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On the 25th of January the bishop of Bayonne writes §, "that the court, apprehending the pope was changing his measures with relation to the king's affair, had sent Gardiner to Rome, to let the pope know, that, if he did not order

* Le Grand. p. 230.
+ Le Grand, p. 259.

+ Le Grand, p. 245.
Le Grand, p. 295,

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Campegio to proceed in the divorce, the king would withdraw himself from his obedience: he perceived Wolsey was in great fear; for he saw, that if the thing was not done, the blame would be cast wholly on him, and there it would end. Sir Thomas Cheyney had some way offended him, and was for that dismissed the court; but by Anne Boleyn's means he was brought back; and she had upon that occasion sent Wolsey a severe message. The bishop had, in a letter* sent him from Paris a list of the college of the cardinals, by which they reckoned fifteen of them were imperialists; and Campegio is reckoned among these eighteen were of the contrary party; three had not declared themselves, but might be gained to either side; and six were absent. This canvassing was occasioned by the pope's sickness, and it was writ as news from France, that an Englishman, passing through, and going to Spain, had reported with joy that there would be no divorce: that Campegio served the pope well; that this was very acceptable to all the great men of England; and that the blame of all was laid on Wolsey, whose credit with the king was sinking. that he was not at the feast of St. George, for which the king had chid him severely, he being the chancellor of the order.

In a letter of the 22d of May he writes t, "that Wolsey was extremely uneasy. The dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and others, made the king believe that he did not advance his affair so much as he could he wishes that the king of France and his mother would make the duke of Suffolk desist; for he did not believe that he or the other duke could be able to manage the king as Wolsey had done. They at court were alarmed at the last news from Rome; for the pope seemed inclined to recall the commission: upon which Benet was sent thither, to use either promises or threatenings, as he should see cause. They pressed the pope to declare the breve from Spain null; but he refused to do it." He adds, "that in the breve lay one of the most important points of the whole matter" (probably that was, that the consummation of the former marriage was expressly affirmed in it)."Wolsey had pressed the bishop very earnestly, to move his master to concur zealously to promote the king's cause; upon which he pressed on Montmorency, that the king of France should send one to the pope, to let him know that he believed the king's cause was just, and that both kingdoms would withdraw from his obedience, if justice was denied on this occasion. To this were to be added, all sorts of promises when it should be done; which Wolsey

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