206 MONTHLY CATALOGUE, Politics, &c.

lefs fuitable to his cenfure of Mr. W.'s

intemperance,' and that of his party,' than applicable to the pride of Diogenes trampling on the pride of Plato.

Quitting, at length, the obnoxious fubject of the acquitted felons, our Expoftulator takes larger ground, and brings a vigorous charge against Mr. W. as a deferter of his old Oppofitional friends. On this topic he expatiates with a mixture of warmth and farcafm, which the friends of adminiftration will, doubtlefs, refer to the spirit af party.

He now takes ftill wider range, and impeaches the general condu& of our ministry, with reference to principles of government, to continental measures, and to the grounds and tendency of the prefent War.

Having thus, with perhaps more appearance of acrimony than might have been expected from the cool temper of Philofophic inveftigation ufually difplayed in Mr. H.'s literary difcuffions, arraigned and condemned the ftate-culprits whom he has here brought to trial, he returns to his particular impeachment of the Right Hon. Member for Norwich, especially regarding him in his public capacity as reprefentative of that city; and perhaps this part of his performance will, by his Norfolk readers, be deemed the most entertaining, on account of the anecdotes which are here introduced.

Mr. H. concludes in the following ftrain; which, to fome, may appear unexpectedly apologetical, and, by his readers in general, will no doubt be admitted in proof of his candour: but he seriously dif claims all intention to apologize. We fhall add the passage, and thus close the article:

• From deliberate examination,' fays our author, I do moft fincerely and from my foul believe you would be among the firft to alleviate the prefent miseries of the poor, and aid in their future felicity, did you know the means: and that you would be no lefs zealous to do as much good to the nation and to mankind as you have contributed to do harm, but from the impediments arifing from ignorance. Ignorance is the fource of your impotence. Ignorance is the origin of all the errors of which I or the world can accufe you. To attribute the mischief of which the most pernicious of men are guilty to any other cause, whether to their delight in malice, the vice inherent in their na ture, or any imaginary conftitutional defect whatever, is the reafon of all our uncharitablenefs, and want of urbanity. But, though the knowledge of this truth would induce me to ferve and never to injure the worst man on earth, it must not lead me, in forbearance to the individual, to neglect my duty to the whole. My intention has not been to wound, but to awaken, to warn, and if poffible to fhorten those woes with which the arrogance and errors of men are afflicting the earth. In declaring this, I make no apology; for I must not apologize for having discharged a duty.'

Art. 25. Farther Reflections fubmitted to the Confideration of the Combined Powers. By John Bowles, Efq. 8vo. Is. 6d. Debrett. 1795-1 Mr. Bowles's voice is ftill for war. We must proceed, he contends, even if deferted by our allies; and then we fhall have the honor of fingly atchieving the glorious task of replacing the Bourbon

family on the Gallic throne, in all their plenitude of power, as it existed before its fubverfion in the year 1789! This, however, is to be accomplished, he acknowleges, in no other way than by the joint efforts of France herself. We must co-operate with the great body of the French nation; who, he feems to take it for granted, would eagerly rise against the tyranny of the Convention, could they once be brought by proper declarations [fuch as are here planned] to look on the allied powers not as conquerors, but as friends. -Thus, fays Mr. B., the monster must be pierced in his vitals, or he will never be fubdued.' This scheme of arming France against France is the fond idea of our fanguine author: but, we fear, the great difficulty will be, as was obferved in the confultation of Mice in the fable, to "Bell the cat."

If we cannot manage to bell the cat, what are we to do then, Sir? You fay we have no other way of fubduing the French monsters. This is but a forry profpect for poor John Bull! You tell honeft John. however, for his comfort, that, if indeed he must perish,' he will have the immortal honour of perishing fword in hand.'-If that does not fatisfy Mr. Bull, what will?

"Art. 26. The Alarmift!!! or, Vindication of Chartered Rights: Being a brief Narrative of the Origin and Progrefs of the City Militia Bill. With Strictures on its mifchievous Tendency. To which is added, A Lift of the Commiffioners of the Court of Lieutenancy. By a Liveryman. 8vo. 15. Allen. 1794.

This author warmly inveftigates the fubject of his tract, in order to prove the late bill to be fubverfive of the chartered privileges of the citizens of London. As far as we are competent to judge, he seems to have clearly proved this point:-but he goes farther; he endeavours to fhew the inexpediency of the measure, even at the prefent critical juncture.-On the whole, he concludes that the citizens, conceiving themselves to have been aggrieved by the procurement of the City Militia A&t, ought to petition for its repeal.-For our account of a fimilar publication, fee M. R. December, p. 448.

Art. 27. Efop, an Alarmift. 8vo.

25. Stockdale.

This author, with confiderable zeal and ability, has tacked political applications, ufually called morals, to the good old fables, on the principles of the prefent day; and from this fource he has drawn better arguments, against the democrats, than those on the other fide of the question which we often find in the pamphlets of writers, who, trufting too confidently in their own ftrength, may perhaps difdain to call in the affiftance of the fagacious fabulift of antient times.

Art. 28. Letters to the Duke of Portland, on his Dereliction from the Cause of the People. First published in the Morning Chronicle, under the Signature of HAMPDEN. 8vo. 25. Ridgeway.

1794.

Hampden wonders at the Duke of P.'s deferting his old party; and we wonder at Hampden's wondering!-His ftrictures, however, on the conduct of the noble Statesman have justly, as we really think, excited the public attention; and his letters appear to have merited

preservation in their prefent form. This edition is addressed to Mr. Pitt, but is by no means drawn up in the usual strain of epiftles dedicatory, which are too often fhamefully inflated with base adulation, and the groffeft flattery. This dedicator has afforded us a striking inftance in high contraft!

Art. 29. Letters to the People of Great Britain, respecting the prefent State of their Public Affairs. 8vo. Is. 6d. Ridgeway, &c.

An earnest and eager perfuafive to peace; with the most discoura ging views of the avowed principles and objects of the war, and a marked attack on the alleged evil purposes of the minifter. The writer propofes, and ftrongly urges, many points of the utmoft importance to our confideration: but furely he declaims with too much acrimony against the conduct of the British Ministry Lefs intemperance of ftyle would certainly have had a better effect on the minds of moderate and candid readers, [Some fuch, it is hoped, there still are, even in these heated times,] and would, in course, have better anfwered the profeffed defirable end of this popular addrefs.-The writer figns J. F. and the reader is informed that Letter II. on the circumftances of the people of Great Britain relative to the present war, is in the prefs, and will be speedily published.'

Art. 30. Monarchy no Creature of God's making. Wherein is proved, by Scripture and Reafon, that Monarchial Government is against the Mind of God. By John Cooke, Efq. late of Gray's Inn. 8vo. pp. 112. 28. Eaton. 1794.

We have often heard of the divine right of kings: in this pamphlet we learn, for the first time, the divine right of republics. The author wrote the treatise in the last century, during the commonwealth. To the inquiry, Why has the parliament abolished the kingly office in England and Ireland? he replies, Becaufe God commanded them fo to do: that it was not out of ambition of change, nor yet only for the cafe of the people, but from a divine precept. We fee no end likely to be answered by this re-publication; except it be to fhew that fanaticifm is an useful inftrument, which may be employed, at pleasure, in the fervice either of monarchy or democracy.

E. Art. 31. Thoughts on the Theory and Practice of the French Conftitution. In four Letters. 8vo. IS. Blamire. 1794,

The general defign of this tract is to fhew how dangerous are the new doctrines refpecting the fovereignty of the people.' Let us, fays

Among other crimes and enormities which this writer boldly charges on the Cabinet-conductors of the war, he intimates that this nation, once fo highly and honourably eftimated on every part of the Continent, has incurred the indelible difgrace of, patronizing or permitting forgeries of the currency of France, to be carried on among us, for the purposes of depreciating her wealth, and swindling the trader of the Continent, friend or foe, out of his property.' He expatiates on the bafenefs of fuch conduct: but we think that he fhould not have even infinuated a charge of fo much infamy, against any NATION, without being able clearly to prove and establish the fact. We cannot believe it! The poffible guilt of individuals is a different queftion. There are forgers, and coiners of base money, in most countries.

the

the writer, look into the rights of men, at they are described in the French conftitution; we fhall there fee what thofe rights are supposed to be; we shall be enabled, by an examination of them, to determine how far they are reconcilable to reafon and common fenfe; and finally, by tracing the progrefs of the French revolution, we fhall perceive whether those rights, in the whole detail of them, can exift im practice. Accordingly, the author enters (not fuperficially) into this investigation; he treats the fubject with confiderable ability; and he determines that the conftitution of France is effentially founded in error: that the people neither legiflate for themselves, nor is it poffible, in the nature of things, that they fhould do fo.'

In the course of his obfervations on this very interefting and much agitated question, he frequently relieves the drynefs and difficulty of the inquiry, by references and details refpecting the principal unhappy confequences and viciffitudes that have attended the prevalence of democratic principles in France, fince the year 1789. He is a zealous Royalist: but he is not to be ranked among those warmheaded politicians whofe zeal is very often found to be without knowlege.

Art. 32. A Dialogue between a corrupt Burgess and a Patriotic Knight, on the Expediency of War or Peace. 8vo. Is. 6d. Stockdale. 1794.

Were there a fcarcity of political pamphlets, the prefent dialogue might attract the notice of fuch readers as hunger and thirst after fomething new of this kind: but, as we have fo many productions of more importance in this clafs, it will probably excite little attention. Art. 33. An Appeal to the People of England, on the Subject of the French Revolution; after a three Years Experiment of its Effects: With a particular Address to the Orthodox Diffenters, and to the Clergy of the Establishment. 8vo. 15. Vernor. 1794.

The author of this appeal, we fincerely hope, and firmly believe, is encountering a phantom. Many people of this kingdom may be defirous of a peaceable reform: but the number, we are perfuaded, is small indeed of those who wish to fee this country involved in the confufion and calamity of a violent revolution. This writer, however, partaking of the general alarm which has been fo induftriously raised, has thought it neceffary to addrefs the people of England, to diffuade them from attempting fuch a fudden violent alteration as has taken place in France. For this purpose, he defcribes in ftrong colours the prefent ftate of that nation. His opinion is, that there is not an individual in France who does not fecretly wish that the revolution had never taken place. The diffimilarity between the late condition of that country, and the prefent ftate of this kingdom, is fairly urged as a reafon against any violent proceedings: but the argument by no means goes fo far as to fupercede the neceflity of vigorous exertions for the correction of political abufes, fo univerfally acknowleged to exift.

A confiderable part of this pamphlet is written under a ftrong im preffion that the prefent calamities of France are a vifitation from God; and it is intended as a warning to Britons to prepare for

the

the judgments which hang over their heads. The orthodox diffenters, with whom it is fuppofed this confideration will have peculiar weight, are exhorted to be cheerfully acquiefcent in the prefent flate of ecclefiaftical affairs, and not to trouble their governors, in thefe perilous times, with applications for a repeal of the teft faw-while the clergy of the establishment are ftimulated to greater Beal in fupport of the gofpel, and advised to difcontinue the difgraceful practice of fubftituting the morality of Epictetus in the room of evangelical truth.

AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

E.

Art. 34. Prefent State of France. Report of the Committees of Public and General Safety and of Legiflation, on the State of the Nation Prefented to the National Convention, September 20th, 1794. By Robert Lindet. 8vo. IS. Bell. 1794.

This report ftrikingly difplays the prodigious energies of a great nation called forth by a powerful combination of circumftances, and celebrates, in dignified langunge, the triumphs of France over the formidable confederacy by which he has been affailed:-but the philofopher, who, undazzled by the glare of military fplendour, and the glory of martial atchievements, looks into the interior receffes of the country, muft fee that it is in nothing enviable but its great renown, to the acquifition of which have been facrificed thofe things which in other ftates adorn civil life, and ferve as the foundations of wealth, comfort, and greatnefs. The powers of the late leaders in the convention appear, except only in arms, to have been calculated rather for pulling down than building up. The reporter acknowleges that the sciences and arts have been perfecuted, though they had contributed to the fucceffes of the republic. The once flourishing trade of France, he tells us, exhibits only ruins and fragments: commerce too has been perfecuted by Robefpierre; a deftroying genius hovered over France and committed devaftations every where.'. . . . Let Marseilles recollect the means which formed her glory and her profperity; paffion has made her forget the advantages of her fituation, her interests, and her wants. This commune, whole commerce was fo flourishing and fo ufeful, who prided herself on fupplying all her own wants, and contributing to fupply thofe of the whole South of France, fubfifts at prefent on the aids granted by government.' The Convention waged a direct war on the manufactures of Lyons, the fecond city in France. It was undoubtedly neceffary to besiege the place, and to drive out of it the people who refused to acknowlege the authority of the legislature: but the houses, the looms, the fhops, were not rebels, and yet a blind rage devoted them to one common deftruction. Lindet fufficiently condemns this mad act, as appears from the following extract: Turn your attention to Lyons; put a ftop to the demolition of buildings; make their citizens return to their manufactories. They were born to create, not to deftroy. It is not regulations that we require. Secure the freedom of exportation, and a fufficient number of citizens will foon appear to collect filk, to manufacture and to fell it. Other manufactures will be refumed with the fame fuccefs; and Lyons will yet rife from her ruins.*

The