Case of Mr. Charles Herbert, a Sufferer

for Conscience' Sake.

The following statement of a case of persecution and extreme distress occa-. sioned by a firm adherence to Unitarian principles, is earnestly recommended to the attention of the readers of the Monthly Repository, and to the friends of rectitude and liberality in general.

Mr. Charles Herbert, conductor of a charity school, at Elham, near Canterbury, was, at the conclusion of the last year, expelled from his situation, the duties of which he had uniformly discharged with a strict regard to its requisitions, and on which he depended for the scanty maintenance of a family consisting of a wife and nine children, purely on account of his embracing Unitarian principles, and his frankness when called upon, in avowing his convictions. For many years previous to this event, his circumstances had been much straightened from the operation of the same narrow and persecuting spirit. He had long entertained objections to many parts of the church catechism and service, and from a particular dislike to a passage in the former, which relates to the imputation of Adam's sin to his innocent posterity, had left it out in the instruction of his own children. This omission quickly attracted the notice of the clergyman, who then officiated at Elham, and who also expressed himself, highly dissatisfied with some peculiarities which he observed in Mr. Herbert's mode of tuition. These peculiarities, however, are such evident improvements, and tend so materially to facilitate the progress of the pupil in every branch of learning, that on an inspection of the school, the clergyman was obliged to acknowledge his error; nevertheless he would not consent to giving his acknowledgment the same publicity that he had to his groundless. complaints. On the contrary he gave encouragement to a friend of his own, in establishing a school in a neighbouring, village, by means of which Mr. Herbert's, already scanty income was reduced to thirty pounds per annum.

The malignity of opposition still continuing, baffled every effort to make known his improved system, and together with the very unfavourable circumstances attending the impoverished condition of Elham and its neighbourhood, rendered unprofitable to himself its important advantages. His mind, however, though depressed, still continuing unbroken and ingenuous, a few years since he incidentally met with the "Letters to Mr. Wilberforce on Hereditary Depravity, by a Layman," which opened to him a new and delightful field of theological reflec

tion, entirely coinciding with his preconceived opinions. Desirous of being further conversant with Unitarian writers, he communicated his wishes by letter, to Mr. Belsham, from whom he received a supply of tracts, in the contents of which he soon became deeply interested; and though be determined to maintain a strict adherence to his former line of conduct in the management of his school, so long as he remained in that situation, yet a few of these tracts found their way into the hands of some neighbours, who shewed a degree of interest in the same important inquiries. Intimations of these circumstances at length reached the ears of the present curate of the village, ever watchful to guard the sacred mysteries from the unwelcome intrusion of investigation and discussion. The orthodoxy of Mr. Herbert now appearing suspicious, be was warned before a conclave, consisting of the clergyman and the other resident trustees of the charity school, to give an account of his principles. A certain inquisitorial rudeness appeared in their conduct on this occasion, which ill accorded with the manly and independent spirit of Mr. Herbert, and to avoid misrepresentation he determined to deliver to the clergyman, in writing, an explicit declaration of his faith, which he did as follows: "I believe that Jesus of Nazareth is a proper human being, the greatest of all the prophets of God, descended from the family of David, and sent into the world to abolish the Jewish economy, and to teach the great doctrine of a future life; also that the world was formed by one Supreme God, and that it is governed by him, and that the loving our neighbours as ourselves, and being merciful even to brute beasts, are the duties of every Christian."

Although these convictions had no influence whatever on his conduct in the school, yet the clergyman and his friends now resolved to make this unequivocal voucher of his integrity the foundation of their future proceedings against him. They accordingly on the 27th of May, 1816, delivered to him in writing, a notice to quit the school and premises at the ensuing Michaelmas. All his remopstrances on the irregularity of the notice, on his not having violated any condition on which he was appointed,* and on the

son.

That such a power should be lodged in a government in cases of imminent danger to the state cannot be doubted: but awful is the responsibility of those persons who advise such a measure, unless they are perfectly convinced that it is absolutely necessary, and that without it the danger to the whole community is extreme. Whether the times called for such a measure we have to learn. Facts will be declared, and upon them its propriety will be judged. Melancholy, however, is the state of the country, which, after the sufferings of so long a warfare, when it expected repose in the blessings of peace, finds itself harassed by the suspicion of real or pretended conspiracies, alike destroying confidence between man and man, and embittering the comforts of life. If our countrymen are so bad as they are represented to be, if such blasphemy and profaneness and even treason reigns among them, wonderful has been their secrecy, that those horrible vices have not been more publicly displayed. But, if they are so wicked, this wickedness cannot have sprung up in a moment. Nemo repente

turpissimus. Some causes must have brought it on; and when these are allowed by all parties, a remedy may easily be found. At any rate, if the lower classes are plunging themselves into vice, let the higher be more careful what examples they set. High and low, rich and poor, to you all the words of God are equally addressed! Reform whatever is amiss in your conduct. Remove the beam out of your own eye, and then ye will see better to take the speck out of the eye of your neighbour.

The Prince Regent went down with his usual state to address the Parliament, but through the immense multitudes which he passed the cheerful sound of hurrahs was not heard, but horrid hissings and hootings proclaimed the indignation of the populace. On his return from the House these symptoms of popular displeasure were increased, and even stones were thrown at the carriage. A pane on one side was at first starred and afterwards smashed. The Prince, however, received no personal injury, but as soon as he had descended from his carriage a communication was made to the two Houses of the insults that had been offered to him, and the danger he had escaped.

The consequence of this communication was an immediate suspension of the discussions in the House as usual upon the speech from the throne. A Noble Lord

who accompanied the Prince in his carriage was examined, and he gave it as his opinion that the pane was starred not by stones or gravel, but by shot from an airgun, and in this opinion perhaps he stands alone; and happily for the country he does stand alone, for it must affect every loyal mind with unfeigned sorrow that any man should be found who under the pretence of real or imaginary grievances should aim at a deliverance from them by means of assassination. The thing is too absurd to be entertained for one moment, when so many other causes may be assigned for the starring of the glass. It might have been from the throwing up of gravel by the hoofs of horses, or by wanton boys, or some enraged person who thereby vented his discontent, but without the least idea of taking away life. If we admit the notion of the use of an air-gun, it follows that the individual who used it aimed at assassination. But supposing that he had obtained his infamous end, what purpose could the taking away of the life of the first officer in the kingdom under the crown answer? Another Regent would have succeeded, and if the assassin had had associates in his guilt, no advantage could be derived to the party which employed him.

The pretended attempt at assassination may then be fairly dismissed from our minds, but the other outrages committed are sufficient to excite our commiseration and indignation. The first officer of the crown ought to be protected in the performance of his highest duty; and what is said of the first officer may be applied to the lowest constable, for there is an end of all society if individuals can assault with impunity those who are entrusted with the execution of the laws of the whole body.

The two Houses concurred therefore with great propriety in offering their homage of sorrow to the Prince Regent for the insults that had been offered to him in his way to and from the House, in their hopes that the perpetrators might be brought to condign punishment, and in the renewal of their loyal vows of allegiance to His Majesty's government. Addresses to the same purpose came up to town from all quarters of the country, but the matter seemed to be made of much greater importance than necessary when a solemn prayer was ordered to be read in all the churches upon this occasion. The Prince's life we are convinced was never in any danger, and the whole might be reduced to a wanton act, probably of idle and wanton persons, for the punishment of which the laws were sufficiently strong; and it may be matter of surprise that none of the malefactors were detected.

This will appear very extraordinary when we consider the numerous cortége with which the Prince is attended not only of soldiers but of constables. If the latter had been mixed properly among the people, one would think some one or other of the throwers of the stones would have been detected. Some persons have been apprehended for tumultuous behaviour, and it was attempted to bring a charge of treason, but on farther examination this fell to the ground, and they were admitted on bail. Whether they will be tried on any other charge time will discover.

But the issue of this day has been of far greater importance, and its results were not anticipated by ministers at the time they framed the speech from the throne. That dissatisfaction reigns throughout the country cannot be doubted, but it must be distinguished from disaffection. The source of this dissatisfaction being duly investigated will afford a sufficient clew to all the late proceedings.

About six years ago the Speaker of the House of Commons declared that there were mal-practices in the representation of the people at which our ancestors would blush, and it was said that one of the ministers was involved in them and screened from the punishment of so high a misdemeanour only from the universality and notoriety of such pernicious conduct. This speech of the Speaker's found its way into every corner of the kingdom, and led every one to inquire into the real representation of the Commons in Parliament, and how far that House as at present constituted was calculated to answer the purposes for which it was originally designed. One circumstance was too striking not to produce a very considerable sensation, namely, that the greatest county in the kingdom sends only two members to Parliament, whilst several individuals were known to possess the power of sending two or three times that number. It had also been stated in the House that seats in it were as notoriously bought and sold as stalls for cattle in a fair.

Such facts as these impressed upon the minds of every one, and at a time when the distresses of the nation forcibly called upon all to inquire into their causes, produced the effect that might have been anticipated. From one end of the kingdom to the other were meetings for petitioning Parliament, and from the opening of the House the table of the Commons was loaded with declarations of grievances coughed in different terms, some respectful and others very unguarded in their language. These caused continual debates, and of the latter several were rejected, but the petitions to the Houses contain myriads upon myriads

of signatures, far more numerous perhaps

that were ever known at any period of out history.

The uniform language of these petitions was a reform of the abuses existing in the representation of the people: some stated the reform they required, others were content to leave the reform to the wisdom of Parliament. The former class varied in its ideas of reform: some were for universal suffrage and annual parliaments; others for an extension of suffrage to householders and those paying direct taxes; others merely requiring the shortening of the duration of parliaments and correcting abuses that existed by the traffic and sale of boroughs, or the innovations of time depriving them of inhabitants. Several of the petitions excited considerable debates, in which the petitioners were treated with little ceremony. They were represented as wild, visionary, fanatical. The idea of universal suffrage seemed to fare the worst, and perhaps none of the speakers against it were aware that it existed eveu in Europe, aud exists now in a small corner of it, if its institutions have, nct been destroyed by the French volcano. In a canton of Switzerland the right of suffrage commences at the age of fifteen, and is enjoyed by every member of that Community at that age. The people are remarkable for their ingenuity and industry, and when the absurdity of admitting boys at the age of fifteen was inveighed against by a Frenchman to one of them, he shrewdly replied that the number of boys who voted in their assemblies was small in comparison of that of their men, aud at any rate the enjoyment of such a right was not so contrary to common sense as the constitution of his kingdom, which allowed a boy of eighteen to dispose of their lives, liberties and property.

In opposition to these petitions, a more formidable engine was now employed. It was solemnly declared to the House that a spirit of disaffection and treason had widely spread itself, and that it could be met only by new powers in the government to suppress it. A committee was appointed by each House to investigate secretly this matter, and a green bag sealed up was delivered to each, containing the documents on which the apprehensions of extended disaffection was founded. After a short interval the committee, delivered their report, in which to the surprise of the public, a great part referred to the notions of an obscure man in Yorkshire who died of a broken heart in consequence of a prosecution for what he supposed to be a grand discovery and one of the greatest benefits to mankind. The walls of the metropolis had in a few places

been scribbled over with

words of

Spencera plan, bet, so little curiosity did they excite that very few persons gave themselves the trouble to inquire into its existence or nature. Some wretched men have been taken up and are now in the Tower, supposed to be the disciples of this Spence; and as their trial is soon expected, the nature of this plan and bow far it is connected with schemes of a treasonable nature will be laid open to the public. Disaffection was also imputed to several societies under the names of Union societies, Hampden clubs and the like, but as nothing relative to them was asserted beyond what the public knows by advertisements and accounts of their proceedings, it is incumbent on the parties who drew up and those who countenance the report, to shew that the individuals connected with them had any designs against the governmeat.

But whether there are individuals or not in the country really engaged in a plot or conspiracy, the report afforded sufficient ground for a plan to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, to introduce, some new law to protect the person of the Prince Regent, and to prevent improper assemblages of the people. These bills are now pending and seem likely to go through both Houses with a very considerable majority in their favour. In the mean time the question of the reform of Parliament remains to be decided. This is to be brought before the House by Sir Francis Burdett after the holidays, and then it will be seen whether corruption will be triumphant or such regulations be made as wisdom may dictate.,

If the opinions of the people were taken upon this subject, it is probable that ninety-nine out of a hundred are for the reform of the House of Commons, and a very great majority of this number would be content with such a reform as might ensure the integrity and independence of the House. Of those who are against reform in general, most probably ninetynine out of a hundred derive advantages from the present system, and of those who do not derive any advantage from it, probably the greater part are apprehensive of a greater danger from any change than of permanent benefit, In this difference of opinion let every one be duly persuaded in his own mind. Our kingdom is not of this world, yet living in this world we must be careful how we gire sanction to corruption, neither siding with a multitude to do evil, nor encou raging an evil cause because it is patronized by wealth, or power, or precedents of time.