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has not changed her laws, and her manner of acting, but we were not sufficiently acquainted with them. Our mistake should make us more cautious, and quicken our researches, that we may not act upon prereiterated experiments we shall be more sumptions where we can avoid it. By

successful.

powers; on the contrary, it is known, cess. If we do not succeed, nature has on all hands, that there is a connexion, not deceived us, we have suffered ourselves an intimate, inseparable connexion, to be deceived by appearances. Nature between the one and the other. Bread would no longer be bread, should it cease to be nutritious to the race of beings who have been nourished by it; or their natures must be totally changed, not to be nourished by it any longer. But the laws by which these secret powers of nutrition, that inward nature by which they are so wonderfully adapted to the human constitution, may never be known. Thus has our sophist, with more dexterity than ingenuous argumentation will permit, inferred that our ignorance of the arcana of nature destroys our knowledge of existing properties." But Mr. Hume appears to mean by the word connection not conjunction merely, but that which conjoins, that which makes the conjunction necessary, that in short which could not be known without a knowledge of that inward nature in bodies, to which the two events owe the relation of cause

and effect. This distinction, we must however acknowledge, is made not very consistently by a writer, who has laboured to shew that there is nothing without us or within us that seems capable of suggesting the notion of power

or necessary connexion. Because we'

are ignorant, not that there are properties, for this Mr. H. appears to allow, at the same time that he main tains we have no idea of power at all; but because we are ignorant what makes them to be properties, or why certain events have uniformly hitherto followed certain other events, he ventures to maintain," that there is a step," a medium of proof, wanted in our inference from the past to the future; since to assert and re-assert the acknowledged conjunction of events, is not to produce the medium of our reasoning. To these refinements of scepticism, our author has given a sound practical reply:

"Why should past experience be extended to future times, and other objects, which, for aught we know, may be only in appearance? My first answer is, by the question, Why should we not continue our confidence in one who, for aught we know, may continue our friend? who is not prone to deceive, and from whom we have received so many benefits? My second answer is, If these similar appearances should be, in every point, the same, we are sure of suc

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suffered, during our ignorance, will augThe disappointments we have ment our knowledge; and they may finally conduct us, through this ignorance, into a more extensive acquaintance with facts, and the laws by which the different parts of nature are governed. As our knowledge increases will our failures decrease, until the past shall become an infallible rule for the future."-Pp. 291, 292.

animadversions on Mr. Hume's metaWe shall conclude our review of the physics, by laying before our readers Dr. Cogan's reply to his objection to miracles. According to Mr. H. though a revelation, and therefore a miracle may be possible (for he does not appear impossible that such an event should to deny this possibility), yet it is wholly

be made credible to me.

"A miracle

he says) is a violation of the laws of nature; and as a firm and unalterable the proof against a miracle, from the experience has established these laws, very nature of the fact, is as entire as any argument from experience can possibly be imagined." Our author replies: "As every man has an equal right to propose his definition, I beg which all believers in miracles will leave to substitute the following, to give a ready assent, and which unbelievers cannot confute, until they shall them. Whoever admits of the existence have annihilated all the powers above of a miracle, admits that some phænoof the course of nature, hus suddenly and menon, contrary to our usual experience unexpectedly taken place, and been made obvious to the senses of individuals, by the immediate agency of an intelligent power, superior to man. I shall leave it to vellous and miraculous-between the others to distinguish between the mardeceptions of impostors, or the extrávagances of superstitions eredulity, and real miracles. Our subject is confined to the possibility of a miracle, which is so dogmatically denied by this doubting philosopher. If the above definition be admitted, (and by what arguments, will it be opposed?) the possibility of a

miracle cannot be denied, until we shall have experienced that no superior agent exists; or that he is destitute of the requisite power; or that in every state of the moral world a miracle is totally useless; or that the intrinsic nature of a miracle renders it unworthy of a Deity to perform one." But, as we apprehead, the thing to be proved was, not that a miracle is possible, for a genuine sceptical philosopher could have no opinion on such a subject; but that it is not from the nature of the fact incapable of being proved as other facts are proved, by unquestionable testimony: the following reply therefore seems to meet the objection more fairly:

"It (experience) never has been, nor can be, applied to our belief in the truth

of a narrative. Experience is confined to our own personal knowledge of facts derived from the sense of seeing, hearing, feeling, &c."-Pp. 320, 321.

"When an individual has experienced a fact, he is fully convinced of its truth. Another person, or multitudes of others, not having experienced the same, is no evidence against the fact alleged. Their negatives cannot destroy his positive. They do not maintain that they have experienced the contrary; they confess that they have had no experience of a similar nature. Will the inhabitants of a salubrious climate.

claim a right to deny the possible existence of an epidemic disease, because they have had uninterrupted health? It is, therefore, as ridiculous to talk of a preponderancy of experience, in such cases, as it is seriously to expect that the emptiness and levity of one scale, should counterbalance all the weights of another."-Pp. 321,

322.

. Again :

"I must suspect that the strong mind of Mr. Hume knew, that, in the manner of his statement, he was gravely asserting an absurdity. You might as well place contrary demonstrations in opposition to each other, in a geometrical problem, as entire proofs against entire proofs in moral reasoning!"-P. 325.

Men, who presume to question what the multitude of the unlearned, and learned believe, or profess to believe, will never want enemies and enemies so personal, as to carry their attack beyond the author to the man. Prejudice, pride, interest, superstition and honest principle all will be in arms against them. For this reason inquisitive and philosophic men ought to

regard it as a duty which they owe to truth and humanity, if they cannot mitigate the clamour, at least not to increase it by their voice. At the same time it is not necessary to applaud because bigotry condemns, or to give to Mr. Hume more than his due because others may have given less. We are persuaded that no man is less likely to join in popular invective than our anthor, and that he exercises his own unbiassed judgment when he refuses to Mr. Hume the praise of honest intention: and it must indeed be confessed that for an enquirer after truth, gifted too pre-eminently for that enquiry, Mr. Hume was singularly unfortunate in the issue of it. The fact seems to be, that it was become the habit of his mind to detect and magnify whatever subtilty could object, without contemplating steadily the arguments of truth. Our author's censure goes a little farther than this:

of Mr. Hume more than the writer of these "No man (he says) admires the talents remarks; and no man more sincerely laments his abuse of them. His conduct

and his motives appear to be inexplicable. His capacity to reason justly is indubitable; his disposition to perplex is equally indubitable.

It is highly probable that he began in jest, simply with an intention to perplex that class of dogmatists, who were perpetually boasting of their demonstrations, upon subjects where they did not always enjoy a preponderancy of evidence. No part of his other writings indicate such contrarieties, as are manifest in every part vain boastings, open contradictions, and of this celebrated Essay; at a detection of which he would probably have smiled; and he must have felt a surprise equal to his triumph, when his artifices remained undiscovered. Mr. Hume was too wise a man not to know that, under his system, no philosopher can breathe a moment."Pp. 330, 331.

"Our great admiration of Mr. Hume's intellectual powers, induces us to lament, that they were so ill employed; that his ambition to acquire literary fame, should be founded on the subversion of the best principles that can actuate mankind. Nor ought the insidious and treacherous manner in which this attempt has been frequently made, to escape the severest reprehension."

-P. 333.

In the last Enquiry, which respects Moral Obligation, the author has found its sources in principles which are inseparable from our nature, universally

and powerfully operative, and perpetual as the desire of well-being-in the mutual action, and control of self-love and social affection. His doctrine is alike removed from the mystical and occult on the one hand, and the cold maxims of a selfish expediency on the other. The enlightened moralist and benevolent Christian here speak the same language, and point to the same path of wisdom, uniting authority with counsel, and proving together that man is under a moral government, and that the great moral Ruler has in the Christian revelation expounded and enforced the same law of morality, which was always inscribed in his

nature.

From our review of the present volume, which, though somewhat extended, is too brief for the survey, it will be seen that the range of enquiry is very extensive, and the subjects of great and universal interest; and with out lavishing commendation we may venture to say, that few even of the thinking class can peruse the Ethical Questions carefully, without gaining something new as well as useful, both for speculation and for practice.

THE

ART. II. Dr. Laurence's Remarks
upon Griesbach's Classification, &c.
[Continued from p. 172.]
HIS author speaks of Griesbach
(16) as "correcting the received
text upon the decisions of his own
judgment." But, if Bengel and Sem-
ler are acknowledged to have been
his predecessors "in the same path,"
we have here an observation contra-
dicting another of Dr. L.'s statements.
It is an observation which, in it's
effect, whatever be it's design, can-
not injure Griesbach's memory. No-
thing can be less arbitrary, nothing,
in this department of literature, less
precarious, than the Professor's cor-
rection of the text of the New Testa-
ment. Far from relying on the
decisions of his own judgment," he
has never lost sight of "the critical
principles" of former authors of high
reputation and his merit consists in
his diligent and skilful application of
those principles, in the patience of his
labours, and, especially, in that habit
of discerning the age, and estimating
the relative value, of manuscripts
which is only to be acquired by

experience combined with sagacity: and knowledge. A few years previously to the appearance of Griesbach's edition, in 1775, our learned countryman and printer Bowyer had published the Greek Testament, and admitted into it's text those readings which Wetstein had merely marked. as being preferable to what were generally received. Consequently, no candid and intelligent person will, either openly or covertly, accuse' Griesbach of an attachment to adventurous critics, or of lightly departing, and encouraging others to depart, from "the beaten track of preconceived opinion."

After stating that Griesbach "confines himself solely to the triple division of an Alexandrine, a Western, and a Byzantine, text," (20) Dr. Laurence asks,

"May we not hence conclude that,

feeling the task of accurately fixing the true number of classes greater than he expected, he satisfied himself with what he deemed an approximation to the truth, and was contented to finish, as he began, with only three? But does this approximation afford a sufficiently solid basis for a durable superstructure? Can it furnish any thing like complete satisfaction?”

"con

From these questions we clude" that the Remarker is but imperfectly acquainted with the nature and the principles, the history and the state, of Biblical Criticism. Reasonable satisfaction is what true scholars will look for from it's researches and decisions; since it doesnot present to the mind that complete evidence which characterises mathematical demonstrations. The highest certainty of which it admits, is moral certainty: nor can greater be attained in regard to most of the subjects on: which men are called to exercise: their judgments. It was never imagined by Griesbach or his admirers that nothing is left to be done by succeeding editors. Michaelis considered the age of manhood" of the criticism of the text of the New Testament as beginning with Mill's edition. Since that period, it has

* See, in Symbol. Critic. Vol. I. p. 121,: his own description of the qualifications of an able Editor of the New Testament.

Nov. Test. Griesb. 1796. Pref.
Introd. to the N. T. Vol..II. p. 454.

gained an increasing vigour, which fully rivals, or even surpasses, the progress of the philology exercised on manuscripts and editions of the classical authors of Greece and Rome. Griesbach's approximation, as his Censor styles it," to the truth," affords, we think, 66 a sufficiently solid basis for a durable superstructure"-durable, as it regards his fame and the interests of Sacred Literature. To the strength, and perhaps to the splendour, of the edifice future labourers, it is possible, may make additions: but there is a very faint probability of it's being overthrown, to prepare the ground for any other. Be fore we finish this article, our readers, we persuade ourselves, will see that even the most forcible and best-directed attacks of Dr. Laurence cannot destroy the fabric of Griesbach's critical system should we grant that some parts of it are unsound, the main building, is, nevertheless, invulnerable.

Can the Remarker with reason doubt whether some of the most

ancient manuscripts of the books of the New Testament are the basis of Griesbach's system? Does he seriously believe that any of an earlier date exist, or are likely to be discovered? He cannot be so credulous and sanguine. Still, Griesbach was naturally and laudably desirous of procuring access to a larger number of written copies; though his mind had long since attained a just degree of satisfaction in respect of the quality of those with which he had made himself acquainted. There is no pretence for intimating that his materials could not enable him to decide on the several claims of the Alexandrine, the Western and the Byzantine text: in the present advanced stage of Biblical Criticism the superiority of the two former has been admitted by the most competent judges;* nor let Dr. Laurence hope that it will be triumphantly contested.

"Perplexed and intricate," he says, "as the true way may prove, it seems necessary to trace and pursue it, if we are desirous of arriving at certainty in our speculations." 22.

Ib. p. 175, 176. and Marsh's Lectures, &c. Pt. II. p. 42. Consult also Symbol. Critic. Vol. 1, pp. 118, 119.

He

What, nevertheless, if absolute cer tainty is unattainable! What, if an approximation-a considerable approximation-to the true way is all for which we can hope? It is not that Griesbach was solicitous to save himself the toil of investigation, but that frequently he had not the manuscripts which he wished to examine. never deviated from the true way except where his path was so impeded that he could not pursue it: this was the reason of his declaring, aliam quærere invitus SÆPE cogerer. proper inquiry, we repeat, is, what use has been made by Griesbach of the critical apparatus of which he was actually in possession?

Our

To prove that the proximate relation of a manuscript to one text out of three (23, 24) cannot be correctly represented as it's real affinity, Dr. L. argues in the following manner:

"Griesbach asserts that the Alexandrine and Western texts have many readings in common. On the supposition therefore that a manuscript had one hun dred readings common to both texts, besides fifty more peculiar to the Alexandrine, he would immediately pronounce

it to be of the Alexandrine class.

But

put the case, that the hundred readings, which the Alexandrine text possessed in common with the Western were lost, (and greater losses it is presumed have taken place,) what would then prove his He must upon his own conclusion ? principles assign it to the Western class; because it would now be distinguished by one hundred peculiar readings of this class, and by only fifty of the other; with the Western, even in direct oppo and being thus arranged, it would side sition to the Alexandrine, text, to which it really belonged. If such a result accrue from a deficiency in our knowledge of a part of the text, less surely cannot be attributable to a deficiency in our knowledge of a whole one; and not of one only, but of two or even three."

The Reinarker, no doubt, flatters himself that the above reasoning is fatal to the system of the learned Professor: but the meditated blow does not reach it's object.

It would have become Dr. Laurence to refer specifically to Griesbach's writings. This editor, he tells "asserts that the Alexandrine and Western texts have many readings in common." All the texts have

us,

4

a number of readings in common: the observation holds good on a comparison of the best with the most corrupted texts; and the fact is rather taken for granted than formally as serted by Griesbach. What Gries bach particularly and distinctly wishes his readers to bear in mind, is that certain manuscripts are especially remarkable for exhibiting readings characteristic of different texts, and that the business of the true critic is to discover, if possible, the class under which such manuscripts should really be arranged. The Remarker seems to conceive that Griesbach decided a point of this nature exclusively or chiefly by numerical computation. This however was not the accomplished editor's principle or practice. We know it to have been his favourite maxim, Ponderandi, non numerandi, testes: and he applied it to the readings of single manuscripts as well as to classes and families of manuscripts. He speaks not so much of the mass of readings as of those which, by their nature, mark the age and country of the transcriber. The scholar of a practised eye and judgment, the man who has a tact for these studies, discerns the quality and the date of a Codex manuscriptus, and consequently

knows under what head it should be ranked, from peculiarities which perhaps are not numerous, and which, assuredly, would not seize the notice of the ordinary reader.

While the argument of Dr. L. rests on an unwarrantable assump tion, it involves a case which is scarcely within the limits of probability. Our Remarker supposes that Griesbach is already persuaded of the , imaginary MS. in question really belonging to the Alexandrine text. But whence was this conclusion deduced? Not so much, it may be, from any numerical excess of Alexandrine readings as from the characteristic genius and aspect of the document. Granting, further, that this loss had taken place, could not the cause of it be ascertained? In all events, possi

Symbol. Critic. Vol. I. 26. “in lectionibus notabilioribus et characteristicis, &c." Ib. 27, "in lectione aliquâ nota kili." Ib. 28, "cujus sit codex quisque, ex universo textus habitu et tenore judieandum est."

bilities cannot be legitimately opposed to facts. Griesbach, like other men, could only reason from what he knew. And since he was decidedly of opinion that both the Alexandrine and the Western texts are of the first antiquity, the solution of Dr. Laurence's problem is practically unim portant. The three leading texts ner which the MSS. of the N. T. may be arranged, have, we think, been discovered: other texts may exist; but it is probable that they possess a near affinity to those which are enumerated by Griesbach.

His English Censor, less envious and illiberal indeed than Matthäi,† and still less conversant with Biblical criticism, is fond of making suppositions: to another which he proposes, 22, 23, we shall give an answer similar to the foregoing,

"Were we to suppose the publication of six different editions of the same work, all from incidental causes frequently varying with each other, and that a copy had been taken from one of them, but from which of them we are ignorant, should we, in ascertaining to which edition the copy belonged, think our investigation. perfect or satisfactory, if we simply compared it with only one half of the number,

neglecting altogether a comparison with

the other half? And would not the found, that the copy to be compared (as difficulty be considerably increased, if we is supposed to be the case in the particular instance under contemplation)

was not taken from one of the six edi

tions immediately, but mediately, through the channel of other copies, which had for a long period been successively transcribed from each other, and had strangely confused together the readings of one edition with those of another ?"

Such an investigation, we should say, might be in a high degree sutisfactory, although it were not perfect. With what justice, however, or what candour, does Dr. L. virtually accuse Griesbach of neglect? The accusation is unfounded. Though Griesbach believed that five or six editions might exist, still he could not class the MSS. to which he had access under more than three. But if there be no reasonable, doubt concerning the antiquity of these texts, [recensiones]; surely they afford materials for that

+ Symbol. Crit. Vol. I, Pref. sub fin.

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