diffused, or more folidly eftablished.

If it had been in the nature of man that we should enjoy liberty, without the agitations of party, the United States had a right, under these circumstances, to expect it: but it was impoffible. Where there is no liberty, they may be exempt from party. It will feem frange, but it fcarcely admits a doubt, that there are fewer malecontents in Turkey, than in any free flate in the world. Where the people have no power, they enter into no contests, and are not anxious to know how they fhall ufe it. The fpirit of difcontent becomes torpid for want of employment, and fighs itself to reft. The people fleep foundly in their chains, and do not even dream of their weight. They lose their turbulence with their energy, and become as tractable as any other animals a ftate of degradation, in which they extort our fcorn, and engage our pity, for the mifery they do not feel. Yet that heart is a bafe one, and fit only for a flave's bofom, that would not bleed freely, rather than fubmit to fuch a condition; for liberty with all its parties and agitations is more defirable than flavery. Who would not prefer the republics of ancient Greece, where liberty once fubfifted in its excefs, its delirium, terrible in its charms, and glistening to the laft with the blaze of the very fire that confumed it?

I do not know that I ought, but I am fure that I do, prefer thofe republics to the dozing flavery of the modern Greece, where the degraded wretches have fuffered fcorn till they merit it, where

they tread on claffic ground, on the afhes of heroes and patriots, unconfcious of their ancestry, ignorant of the nature, and almost of the name of liberty, and infenfible even to the paffion for it. Who, on this contraft, can forbear to fay, it is the modern Greece that lies buried, that sleeps forgotten in the caves of Turkish darkness ? It is the ancient Greece that lives in remembrance, that is ftill bright with glory, ftill fresh in immortal youth. They are unworthy of liberty, who entertain a lefs exalted idea of its excellence. The misfortune is, that those who profess to be its moft paffionate admirers have, generally, the leaft comprehenfion of its hazards and impediments: they expect that an enthusiastic admiration of its nature will reconcile the multitude to the irkfomeness of its restraints. Delufive expectation! WASHING. TON was not thus deluded. We have his folemn warning against the often fatal propenfities of liberty. He had reflected, that men are often falfe to their country and their honor, falfe to duty and even to their interest ; but multitudes of men are never long false or deaf to their paffions; thefe will find obftacles in the laws, affociates in party. The fellowfhips thus formed are more inţimate, and impofe commands more imperious, than thofe of fociety.

Thus party forms a state within the ftate, and is animated by a rivalfhip, fear, and hatred, of its fuperior. When this happens, the merits of the government will become fresh provocations and offences; for they are the merits of an enemy. No wonder then, that

as

as foon as party found the virtue and glory of WASHINGTON were obstacles, the attempt was made, by calumny, to furmount them both. For this, the greateft of all his trials, we know that he was prepared. He knew that the government muft poffefs fufficient ftrength from within or without, or fall a victim to faction. This interior strength was plainly inadequate to its defence, unless it could be reinforced from without by the zeal and patriotifm of the citizens; and this latter refource was certainly as acceffible to Prefident WASHINGTON, as to any chief magiftrate that ever lived. The life of the federal government, he confidered, was in the breath of the people's noftrils whenever they fhould happen to be fo infatuated or inflamed as to abandon its defence, its end must be as fpeedy, and might be as tragical, as a conftitution for France.

* While the Prefident was thus adminiftering the government, in fo wife and just a manner, as to engage the great majority of the enlightened and virtuous citizens to co-operate with him for its fupport, and while he indulged the hope that time and habit were confirming their attachment, the French revolution had reached that point in its progrefs, when its terrible principles began to agitate all civilized nations. I will not, on this occafion, detain you

to exprefs, though my thoughts teem with it, my deep abhorrence of that revolution; its defpotifm, by the mob or the military, from the firft, and its hopocrify of morals to the last. Scenes have paffed there which exceed description, and which, for other reasons, I will not attempt to defcribe; for it would not be poilible, even at this diftance of time, and with the fea between us and France, to go through with the recital of them, without perceiving horror gather, like a froft, about the heart, and almoft ftop its pulfe. That revolution has been constant in nothing but its viciffitudes, and its promises; always delufive but always renewed, to establish philosophy by crimes, and liberty by the fword. The people of France, if they are not like the modern Greeks, find their cap of liberty is a foldier's helmet: and, with all their imitation of dictators and confuls, their exacteft fimilitude to thefe Roman ornaments, is in their chains. The nations of Europe perceive another refemblance, in their all conquering ambition.

But it is only the influence of that event on America, and on the measures of the Prefident, that belongs to my fubject. It would be ingratefully wrong to his character to be filent in respect to a part of it, which has the moft fignally illuftrated his virtues.

The genuine character of that revolution is not even yet fo well understood

understood as the dictates of felfprefervation require it fhould be. The chief duty and care of all governments is to protect the rights of property, and the tranquillity of fociety, The leaders af the French revolution, from the beginning, excited the poor against the rich this has made the rich poor, but it will never make the poor rich. On the contrary, they were ufed only as blind infruments to make thofe leaders mafters, first of the adverse party, and then of the State,. Thus the powers of the State were turned round into a direction exactly contrary to the proper one, not to preferve tranquillity and reftrain violence, but to excite violence by the lure of power, and plunder, and vengeance. Thus all France has been, and ftill is, as much the prize of the ruling party as a captured fhip, and if any right or poffeffion has efcaped confifcation, there is none that has not been liable to it.

Thus it clearly appears that, in its origin, its character, and its means, the government of that country is revolutionary; that is, not only different from, but directly contrary to, every regular and well-ordered fociety. It is a danger, fimilar in its kind, and at leaft equal in degree, to that with which ancient Rome menaced her enemies. The allies of Rome were flaves; and it coft fome hundred years' efforts of her policy and arms, to make her enemies her allies. Nations, at this day, çan trust no better to treaties; they cannot even truft to arms, unless they are used with a spirit and perfeverance becoming the magnitude of their danger. For

the French revolution has been, from the firft, hoftile to all right and juftice, to all peace and order in fociety; and, therefore, its very existence has been a state of warfare against the civilized world, and most of all against free and orderly republics. For fuch are never without factions, ready_ to be the allies of France, and to aid her in the work of deftruction. Accordingly, fcarcely any but republics have they fubverted. Such governments, by fhewing in prac tice what republican liberty is, detect French imposture, and fhew what their pretexts are not.

To fubvert them, therefore, they had, befides the facility that faction affords, the double excitement of removing a reproach, and converting their greatest obstacles into their most efficient auxiliaries.

Who then, on careful reflection, will be furprised, that the French and their partizans inftantly conceived the defire, and made the most powerful attempts, to revolutionize the American government? But it will hereafter feem ftrange that their exceffes fhould be excufed, as the effects of a ftruggle for liberty, and that fo many of our citizens fhould be flattered, while they were infulted, with the idea, that our example was copied, and our principles purfued. Nothing was ever more falfe, or more fascinating. Our liberty depends on our education, our laws, and habits, to which even prejudices yield; on the difperfion of our people on farms, and on the almost equal diffufion of property; it is founded on morals and religion, whofe authority reigns in the heart, and on the influence all thefe produce on pub

lic opinion before that opinion governs rulers. Here liberty is reftraint, there it is violence; here it is mild and cheering, like the morning fun of our fummer, brightening the hills, and making the vallies green; there it is like the fun, when his rays dart peftilence on the fands of Africa. American liberty calms and reArains the licentious paffions, like an angel that fays to the winds and troubled feas; be fill. But how has French licentiousness peared to the wretched citizens of Switzerland and Venice? Do not their haunted imaginations, even when they wake, reprefent her as a monster, with eyes that flash wild fire, hands that hurl thunderbolts, a voice that shakes the foundation of the hills? She ftands, and her ambition measures the earth; fhe fpeaks, and an epidemic fury feizes the nations.

ap

Experience is loft upon us, if we deny, that it had feized a large part of the American Nation. It is as fober, and intelligent, as free, and as worthy to be free, as any in the world; yet, like all other people, we have paffions and prejudices, and they had received a violent impulfe, which, for a time, mified us.

Jacobinifm had become here, as in France, rather a fect than a party; infpiring a fanaticifm that was equally intolerant and contagious. The delusion was general enough to be thought the voice of the people, therefore claiming authority without proof; and jealous enough to exact acquiefcenee without a murmur of contradiction. Some progrefs was made in training multitudes to be vindictive and ferocious. To them nothing feem

ed amiable, but the revolutionary justice of Paris; nothing terrible, but the government and juftice of America. The very name of Pa triots was claimed and applied in proportion as the citizens had alienated their hearts from America, and transferred their affections to, their foreign corrupter. Party difcerned its intimate connexion of intereft with France, and confummated its profligacy by yielding to foreign influence,

The views of thefe allies required that this country fhould engage in war with Great-Britain. Nothing lefs would give to France all the means of annoying this dreaded rival: Nothing lefs would enfure the fubjection of America, as a fatellite to the ambition of France: Nothing elfe could make a revolution here perfectly inevitable,

For this end, the minds of the citizens were artfully inflamed, and the moment was watched, and impatiently waited for, when their long heated paffions fhould be in fufion, to pour them forth, like the lava of a volcano, to blacken and confume the peace and government of our country.

The fyftematic operations of faction under foreign influence. had begun to appear, and were fucceffively purfued, in a manner. too deeply alarming to be foon forgotten, Who of us does not remember this worft of evils in this warft of ways? Shame would forget, if it could, that, in one of the States, amendments were propofed to break down the Federal Senate, which, as in the State Governments, is a great bulwark of the public order. To break down another, an extravagant ju

diciary

diciary power was claimed for States. In another State a rebellion was fomented by the agent of France: And who, without fresh indignation, can remember, that the powers of Government were openly ufurped; troops levied, and fhips fitted out to fight for her? Nor can any true friend to our Government confider without dread, that, foon afterwards, the treaty making power was boldly challenged for a branch of the government, from which the conflitution has wifely withholden it.

I am oppreffed, and know not how to proceed with my fubjectWASHINGTON, bleffed be GOD! who endued him with wifdom and clothed him with power -WASHINGTON iffued his Proclamation of Neutrality, and, at an early period, arrefted the intrigues of France and the paffions of his countrymen, on the very edge of the precipice of war and revolution.

This act of firmnefs, at the hazard of his reputation and peace,

entitles him to the name of the first of patriots. Time was gain ed for the citizens to recover their virtue and good fenfe, and they foon recovered them. The crifis was paffed, and America was faved.

You and I, moft refpected fellow-citizens, fhould be fooner tired than fatisfied in recounting the particulars of this illuftrious man's life.

How great he appeared, while he administered the Government, how much greater when he retired from it, how he accepted the chief military command under his wife and upright fucceffor, how his

life was unfpotted like his fame, and how his death was worthy of his life, are fo many diftin& fubjects of inftruction, and each of them fingly more than enough for an elogium. I leave the task however to hiftory and to pofterity; they will be faithful to it.

If

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It is not impoflible, that fome will affect to confider the honors paid to this great patriot by the nation, as exceffive, idolatrous, and degrading to freemen, who are all equal. I anfwer, that refufing to virtue its legitimate honors would not prevent their being lavifhed, in future, on any worthlefs and ambitious favorite. this day's example should have its natural effect, it will be falutary. Let fuch honors be fo conferred only when, in future, they fhall be fo merited: Then the public fentiment will not be misled, the principles of a juft equality corrupted. The beft evidence of reputation is a man's whole life. We have now, alas! all WASHINGTON's before us. There has fcarcely appeared a really great man, whofe character has been more admired in his life time, or lefs correctly understood by his admirers. When it is comprehended, it is no eafy talk to delineate its excellencies in fuch a manner, as to give to the portrait both intereft and refemblance. For it requires thought and study to understand the true ground of the fuperiority of his character over many others, whom he refembled in the principles of action, and even in the manner of acting. But perhaps he excels all the great men that ever lived, in the steadiness of his adherence to his maxims of life, and in the uni

formity