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RIGHT TO DISCUSS HIS RELIGIOUS VIEWS.

[CHAP. XII.

expense of society; which would prevent the manly lover of the truth from assailing untruth, come when or from whom it may.

The only question, then, in respect to the propriety of examining into and pronouncing on Mr. Jefferson's religious opinions, is this. Did he, by publication or any other means, attempt to propagate those opinions? Strictly speaking, he did not, as we shall abundantly show at the proper time. But yet there are reasons which we believe ought still to deprive him of the immunity which that circumstance usually confers. Mr. Jefferson left all his papers to a grandson. He made him the owner of the papers without any restrictions or directions. He therefore confided them to the judgment of his descendant, and made himself answerable for the manner in which that judgment should be exercised. The grandson published the papers after Mr. Jefferson's death. They thus came legitimately before the world, and the world has an undeniable right to judge and speak of them according to its opinion of their merits.

We are attempting to give the history of the mind as well as of the public career of a statesman. If he has by himself, or by another, admitted the public to a knowledge of his religious views, it is far too important a subject to be passed in silence or slurred over in a few general or vague phrases. We esteem it our duty to give his opinions on this as on other important topics, so far as they are in our possession. We shall not do so yet, for his expressions concerning religion are, at the point of his life now reached, but commencing. The importance and delicacy of the topic, and its utter disconnection with any of the incidents of his public career, will induce us to depart from our usual course of giving or alluding to his declarations as they are from time to time made, and to reserve them for a connected view at the end of his Life.

We shall have occasion, however, to earlier examine a related, but nevertheless essentially different question. Mr. Jefferson did not become responsible to the world for the utterances of what we shall show to have been a few deeply confidential letters, until those letters were made public. But long before their publication, during the last twenty-five or thirty years of his life, his religious opinions were made a free topic of discussion. He was charged with being an active and aggressive foe of Christianity. Thousands are yet alive who

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recollect the furious tempest which burst on his head, on this subject, from press and pulpit, pending both his elections to the Presidency. The Christian church of our country was declared to be in danger if he succeeded. It was popularly said at the time, that in parts of New England, timid females hid their Bibles in the clefts of rocks, and enthusiastic disciples girded up their loins to encounter terrible persecutions, when it was understood that he was elected.

What had he done to give rise to such impressions of his religious character? Had he published, or permitted the publication of anything which avowedly, or by fair implication, was intended as an attack on Christianity? All that was adduced to prove this was a sentence or two from the Notes on Virginia, declaratory of the fact that the religious beliefs of one man do not inflict on any other man that physical or other legal injury, which it is the province of law to punish; and by certain geological and ethnological speculations which do not, as we understand it, deny anything in the Scriptures, or require an interpretation of them different from that adopted by men whom Mr. Jefferson's assailants would be ready to concede of the most eminent ability and piety.1

Was Mr. Jefferson in the habit of arguing against, or sneering at, Christianity in conversation? We remember only to have seen a single remark of such a tenor attributed to him (said to have been made to Mazzei-see Appendix 8), which was too manifestly ridiculous to call for a denial; yet Mr. Jefferson did, in his private correspondence, indignantly deny it. But whether one or twenty such stories got afloat, we feel perfectly authorized to say that they were false, and were not supported by any proof which really justified cool and rational men in giving them temporary credit.

We will give our reasons fully for so unhesitatingly declaring their falsity. We will attempt to show, by as satisfactory proof as the nature of the case admits of as nearly as a negative can ever be shown that Mr. Jefferson never, at any period of life, made himself an aggressive assailant of Christianity; that he

1 The most distinguished writer, perhaps certainly the most distinguished ecclesiastical writer who found intentional attacks on Christianity in the Notes on Virginiawas the Rev. John M. Mason, D. D., of New York, and his pamphlet on the subject is republished in his collected writings by his son. Those who are desirous to see what were the Rev. gentleman's positions, and what was the character of his strictures, will find them stated in APPENDIX 8.

496

GROSS MISREPRESENTATIONS.

[CHAP. XII.

never, in a solitary instance, sought directly or indirectly to proselyte a human being to unchristian views, or to shake his conviction in Christian ones. Looking at the naked facts now, it would seem a matter of astonishment that he could have been so misunderstood and misrepresented on this subject by a portion of his contemporaries, on the strength of evidence which, before a tribunal accustomed to pay any attention to sound and just rules of evidence, would fail to command serious notice. But if we look into the surrounding circumstances impartially -with that spirit of liberality towards his opponents which it must be confessed they never showed to him, we believe some excuses can be found for the conduct of the great portion, and particularly the religious portion of them. We do not propose to defer this question-the religious issue between the living Jefferson and his antagonists-like the preceding one, to the conclusion of his history. The facts will be required to furnish contemporaneous explanations of several important circumstances in his public and private career. We shall probably enter upon their examination while narrating the events of the year 1800-when he was first publicly assaulted on this subject on an extensive and imposing scale.

CHAPTER XIII.

1788-1789.

First Official Acts in 1788-Paul Jones-Pecuniary Difficulties of United States-Jefferson repairs to Holland-With Adams effects Loans Tour up the Rhine-Mathematical Formula for shaping a Plow-State of Paris at his Return-Letter to General Washington-Proposes transferring French Debts to Holland-Gives Brissot Letters of Introduction-Outfit-New Consular Convention-Annoyed by French Creditors of United States Repulses Impertinence of General Armand-Asks Leave of Absence-Nobody to grant it-Miscellaneous Correspondence of the Year Questions a Theory of Newton-Disregard of mere Authority in Science-Newton, Buffon, and Lavoisier-Blunders of the Learned-Curtain drops on Poor Ledyard-His Warm Affection for JeffersonJefferson declines joining Society for Abolition of Slave Trade-English Judicial Decisions in America Letter to General Washington-Inside Views Opinion on Female Influence in French Politics-Further History of French Affairs-Famine in the Winter of 1788-9-Relief from America Recall of French Minister in America asked-Governeur Morris's Secret-Extracts from Letters and Diary of Morris SpeculationsFrance on Morris's Shoulders-Jefferson's Views of Proper Objects of the PatriotsSack of Reveillon's House-Opening of States-General-Disputes between OrdersLafayette's Instructions and Jefferson's Advice-Progress of Events-Jefferson's Letter to St. Etienne-Proposes a Charter of Rights-Patriots demand too much and lose all-Character of Necker-Jefferson and Mirabeau - Further Events "Let the People eat Grass" - The Issue of Blood made up Jefferson between the Military and the People-Different Accounts of the Fray-Attack on the Bastile-Another Chance for Compromise thrown away-Jefferson's Opinion of the King and Queen-He is invited to Assist in forming a Constitution-His Reasons for declining-Constitution Settled at his House-The Parties in the National Assembly-Explanations between Jefferson and Montmorin - Personal Affairs - Jefferson neither Federalist nor AntiFederalist-Made LL.D. by Harvard University-His Answer-Family IncidentsMartha wishes to enter a Convent-Letter to General Washington-Views on Titles of Honor in United States-Views on Neutrality between France and England-Past and Present Course of these Nations towards the United States-English Sympathisers in United States-This Party existed before the French Revolution-Jefferson averse to entering President's Cabinet "Can one Generation of Men bind another?" -He receives Leave of Absence-Particulars of Journey until final Sailing-His Valedictory to France-Some Review of his Diplomatic Labors-Discharge of Minor DutiesAttentions to Americans Abroad-His Course towards Young Travellers-His Strong Partiality for Young Men-Other Unofficial Duties-Ability of his Dispatches-Political Prophesying-His Diplomatic Career commands Universal Applause-Mr. Jay's Testimony on the Subject Judge Marshall's-Daniel Webster's-English ExpressionsMartha Jefferson's Narrative of Journey Home-Danger at Norfolk-Reception at Home-Old Wormley's Version of the Reception-An African Ovation.

ONE of Mr. Jefferson's first official acts, in 1788, was to dispatch a special agent to Denmark to obtain reparation for prizes

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captured by Commodore John Paul Jones from the English, during the recent war; and which having put into Bergen in distress, were, by the orders of the Danish Court, taken from their captors and delivered back to the English. Congress having intrusted our Minister to France with the negotiation, and with the appointment of an agent, he very properly selected Jones himself. Jefferson always entertained a favorable opinion of this remarkable man, and had employed his services on several previous occasions. Thus, three years earlier, he had sent him to Brest to observe Laperouse's ill-fated expedition then fitting out-as it had been reported that it was designed to plant a colony or trading factories on the west coast of North America.1 Jefferson seems to have entertained these suspicions for a long time, and indeed until they were dispelled by a full knowledge of the facts. He always spoke of Jones in his correspondence, and always treated him personally as a discreet and intelligent man, whose honor and whose patriotism to his adopted country were entirely above suspicion. Very soon after the mission of the latter to Denmark, a circumstance occurred which illustrated his character in these particulars. Received as a Vice-Admiral into the Russian service, he annexed as a condition of his acceptance, that he should be permitted to withdraw whenever the United States required his services.

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Another subject now began "to press upon Jefferson's "mind," to use his own words, "like a mountain." The position of affairs between the United States and their European creditors had always been a source of great annoyance to our Ministers. Not even the interest of the French debt, so peculiarly one of honor, and the repayment of which was so pressingly needed, was met. And the Treasury Board had recently announced that they could not possibly make further remittances to Europe within a year indeed, until the new Government established under the federal Constitution (of 1787) should go into operation and should make provisions for raising the money. In the meantime, the American Ministers in Europe were expected to sustain the credit of their country by meeting the demands against it, from the proceeds of a loan which had been opened in Holland, but which, after being but in small part filled, had ceased to be taken up. Two hundred and Jefferson to Jay, August 14, 1785. 2 Letter to John Adams, March 2d, 1788.

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