Mr. Root, of Ohio, did not perceive any thing ridiculous in the position of the House, but the attitude of the two great parties might be so. He spoke of Mr. Morse's proposition as a gambling measure, a lottery, in which there were as many blanks as prizes.

MR. WOODWARD, of South Carolina, repelled the idea that two parties, because they happen to be large, possess the right to dictate to individuals how they shall vote. He had his reasons for voting against the nominee of the Democratic caucus, and if he could properly give them to the House, he conceived that they would be thought by many who heard him, as satisfactory. He had no candidate of his own, but was ready to vote for any one who was unobjectionable. If a time had arrived when his vote would have decided the question, he had been prepared to give it; but he could not give a mere complimentary

vote.

Mr. MORSE replied. Would we sit here, he said, and allow a few gentlemen to defeat all attempts at organization, until the public press should cry shame on the representatives of the people? Gentlemen had told the House that they would remain here and vote for months before they would change their position. Mr. BROWN, of Mississippi, indulged in a little humor at the expense of the previous speakers. He trusted that the question would not be further discussed.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi could only regard the resolution as a reflection upon some of the members of the body; and being unwilling to vote upon any proposition reflecting upon the motives or integrity of members, he moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Mr. SCHENCK replied, and repelled the imputation indicated in the remarks of the last speaker. In answer to Mr. VENABLES, he referred to the fact that the mode of voting viva voce, which had been adopted some ten years ago, was an innovation upon the old, and, possibly, the more wholesome principle of voting by ballot.

The motion to lay on the table was decided by yeas and nays-yeas 162, nays 62.

Having voted the thirty-second time, without any decision of the question, Mr. SWEETZER rose and offered the following resolution:

Whereas, This House having balloted seven days for Speaker without an election, it is manifest that, from present indications, no organization can now be hoped for: therefore,

Resolved, That, the Senate concurring, this House stand adjourned until the first day of January 1850, at 12 o'clock.

Resolved, That the House do now proceed to the election of Speaker, and that the vote be taken by ballot.

If adopted, this resolution, said Mr. S. will effect a great saving of time, inasmuch as they could vote twenty times a day by this method. He thought it desirable that the presiding officer should not know by what votes he was placed in the chair-a principle he thought in accordance with the theory of our government.

Mr. VENABLES said he could not consent to vote for the proposition of the gentleman of Ohio. A vote by ballot for Speaker, if it altered the vote at all, must produce the effect for one of two reasons, either the disposition of the voter to practice a deception as to his vote, or a fear of the responsibility when he returned to his constituents. He had voted many times for the nominee of the democratic caucus. He preferred a Speaker from a nonslaveholding State. He had pledged himself to his constituents to vote for no Free Soiler or Abolitionist, and he meant to adhere to his pledge, whatever might be the result. A vote by ballot may elect a Speaker, but it will be at the expense of breaking down a custom founded in wisdom and productive of the best consequences.

Mr. WENTWORTH made a few remarks and moved that the House proceed to vote for Speaker, viva voce. The House then adjourned to the following day

Tuesday, Dec. 11. The roll was called for the thirty-third time, and the vote for Mr. WINTHROP was 101; for WILLIAM J. BROWN, of Indiana, 80; for Mr. WILMOT, 5; for Mr. BOYD, 15; for Mr. GENTRY, 5; for DAVID T. DISNEY, of Ohio, 8; for Mr. CоBB, 5; and five scattering.

The last vote this day was the thirty-ninth, which gave the following result; for Mr. WINTHROP, 101; for Mr. BROWN, 109; Mr. WILMOT, 6; Mr. MOREHEAD, of Kentucky, 5; Mr. BoYD, 1; and four scattering votes.

A motion being made to adjourn, Mr. WINTHROP addressed the clerk, and asked the unanimous consent of the House to say a few words before the motion was put. Leave being granted, he proceeded as follows:

"It is well known, Mr. Clerk, to many of my political friends on this floor, that I should long ago have withdrawn my name from this protracted contest if they would have permitted me to do so. I have thus far, however, been constantly advised that I was not at liberty to interfere in any way with their action,

and that I could not do so without impairing the best chances of their final success.

I know not how far this opinion may still be entertained; but an occasion seems now to have arisen when it is due to myself as well as to others that I should say publicly what I have so often said privately on this subject. I desire to assure every member of the House that nothing would give me greater pain than to have my name stand, for an instant, in the way of a satisfactory organization of this body. The highest interests of the country demand that an organization of some sort should be effected, and the personal pretensions of no man should be allowed to prevent such a result.

I am most deeply sensible of the honor which has been done me by my friends during the past week. In the record of their devoted and unwavering support, I shall always find a subject for the proudest, as well as the most grateful, recollection.

And I have only to assure them, in conclusion, that if it shall now be found consistent with their views and feelings to change their candidate, I shall most cheerfully acquiesce and co-operate in any nomination which they may make with better prospects of suc

cess."

Mr. WINTHROP having concluded his remarks---the question was taken on the motion to adjourn, and lost. After two or three other fruitless motions, the House adjourned at half past four o'clock.

Wednesday, Dec. 12. Mr. COBB, of Alabama, made a personal explanation, in which he thought it necessary to defend himself from a charge made in the Union that he was a disorganizer.

Mr. WILMOT, of Pennsylvania, rose and thanked those who had so long sustained him. Both of the candidates of the two prominent parties having been withdrawn, he thought the object for which he and those who had acted with him contended, had, in a great measure, been attained, and he therefore declined being any longer considered as as a candidate. He trusted his friends would now concentrate their votes on some other gentleman, so that an organization of the House might be effected without longer delay.

After this, the House proceeded to vote for the fortieth time. The whole number of votes cast was 226; necessary to a choice 114. For WILLIAM J. BROWN, 112; DUER, 26; MOREHEAD, 17; STANLY, 18; MCGAUGHEY, 13; WINTHROP, 17; T. STEVENS, 2; ROCKWELL, 1; OUTLAW, 1; H. MANN, 5; VINTON, 2; BOYD, 3; JULIAN, 3, and a few scattering. The free soilers, as a distinct party, had now broken up, and some voted for Mr. BROWN, while Howe, Root, and Tuck voted for Mr. JULIAN, who was dangerously ill at his home in Indiana.

Mr. STANLY then offered the following resolution:

Resolved, That the members of the Democratic party be requested to appoint three members, to confer with three members of the Whig party, relative to the choice of proper officers of the House of Representatives.

This resolution, said Mr. S. had not originated with himself, but with a member of the opposite party of high character and great experience. He ridiculed the idea that there was any danger of the total disorganization of the government from the present condition of the House. No person or parties could bring it about with Mr. CLAY in the other wing of the Capitol, and Gen. TAYLOR in the White House. He desired to give the democrats the choice of a speaker, but he wished that they should choose a gentleman in all respects satisfactory, and who was known by the whole House to be thoroughly competent to a proper discharge of the duties of his position. For himself, having received a number of votes, he begged to decline the honor, both because he was too young, and because his temper was too irascible.

Mr. BAYLY of Virginia, replied at considerable length. The present posture of the House he attributed to the equivocal principles of the President on the subject of slavery. It was a state of affairs that he had predicted. The gentleman, said Mr. Bayly, insinuated that something improper had taken place between the Democratic party and Free Soilers. He protested against such insinuations being lightly made. He flattered himself that the gentlemen on his side of the house would be as little likely as any others to enter into an arrangement with the party referred to. But the gentleman had enabled him to brand the rumor as it deserves. It was hardly necessary for him to say that it had no foundation in truth.

Mr. ASHMUN interrupted him to inquire if a correspondence had not taken place between the member from Indiana [Mr. Brown] and some members of the Free-Soil party, in which he has pledged himself to constitute certain committees in a manner satisfactory to them. Mr. BAYLY knew of no such correspondence. He inquired if the gentleman had authority for saying that such was the case. Mr. ASHMUN gave common rumor as his authority. Common Rumor is a common liar, responded Mr. BAYLY. He appealed to Mr. BROWN, who shook his head. Mr. BAYLY then continued and said he was authorized to say that no such correspondence had taken place. If gentlemen of the free-soil party chose to vote for the democratic candidate, it did not contaminate either him or the party supporting him.

Mr. Root rose to comment on Mr. STANLY'S resolution. There were others in the House

besides Whigs and Democrats, with rights as members not less important and sacred than theirs; and he would claim them. He protested against any bargain or agreement by which the two great parties will secure the organization of the House to the exclusion of all or any others. Was this resolution designed to carry out the policy of the two great parties upon the free-soil question? If so, what is that policy? As far as he could perceive, it was but to dodge responsibility.

Mr. BAYLY interrupted him to say that he had just had a conversation with Mr. BROWN, and that he was mistaken in saying that no correspondence had taken place between him and the free-soilers. The correspondence will be produced, and will speak for itself.

able and impartial men, from the South as well as from the North, on committees charged with the consideration of slavery questions.

Mr. STEVENS of Penn.-I wish to know from my colleague whether, from his conversation, he had reason to believe that the Committees would be formed of a majority of those in favor of Free Soil?

Mr. WILMOT-I had reason to believe that a majority of the Committees would have had placed on them a majority of fair Northern men. [Laughter.] Nothing more; and that was an inference I drew from the conversation.

Mr. INGE-What do you mean by fair Northern men ?

Mr. WILMOT-Men who would not act in Committee from political considerations, or

He

Mr. BROWN rose to make a statement. acknowledged that he had had both an interview and a correspondence with Mr. Wilmot, in which he had stated his principles in regard to slavery. The letters are the following:

"DECEMBER 10, 1849. "DEAR SIR: In the conversation which I had with you this evening, you were free to say that if elected Speaker of the House of Representatives you would constitute the Committees on Territories, the Judiciary, and the District of Columbia, in a manner that should be satisfactory to myself and the friends with whom I have had the honor to

act. I have communicated this to my friends; and if, in reply to this note, you can give them the same assurance, they will give you a cheerful and cordial support.

Respectfully yours,

Hon. Wм. J. BROWN.

"D. WILMOT."

"WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 10, 1849. "DEAR SIR: In answer to yours of this date, I will state that, should I be elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, I will constitute the Committees on the District of Columbia, on Territories, and on the Judiciary, in such manner as shall be satisfactory to yourself and your friends. I am a representative from a free State, and have always been opposed to the extension of slavery, and believe that the federal government should be relieved from the responsibility of slavery where they have the constitutional power to I am yours, truly, "W. J. BROWN."

abolish it.

Hon. DAVID WILMOT.

Mr. WILMOT confirmed Mr. Brown's statements. He had only desired that the popular sentiments of all sections of the country should be permitted to be heard. He merely wanted

ministration, and who would not be asked to smother the expression of the people of the North.

Mr. INGE---I understand by fair Northern men, those committed to the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. WILMOT---Not by any means.

Mr. STANLY-What then?

Mr. WILMOT-Those who are resolved that slavery shall go no further. I believe that the people of the country are opposed to the slave traffic. Virginia will not tolerate it; Maryland will not tolerate it. Why is it carried on, in the face of the world, in the District of Columbia? I believe the people are opposed

to it.

Mr. BURT said that when Mr. BROWN became a prominent candidate, he felt great soviews upon the exciting topic of the day. He, licitude to ascertain exactly that gentleman's as well as other Southern gentlemen, had understood that Mr. BROWN was not a Provisoist-as being uncommitted either for or against the North or the South. And it was these considerations that induced him and his southern friends to vote for the gentleman.

Mr. BAYLY stated that it was known that he had served with Mr. BROWN in the 28th Congress; and when he began to be spoken of for Speaker, frequent inquiries were made of him as to that gentleman's opinions and votes on the slavery question. He [Mr. BAYLY] answered that no one could have taken a more unexceptionable course; and he had vouched for it that he was opposed to the agitation of the exciting subjects of Abolition and the Wilmot Proviso in any form or shape. If he had known of the existence of the correspondence, nothing on earth could have induced him to vote for the gentleman from Indiana; and he was quite sure that such would have been the feeling of the great mass of the members on his side of the House. He had been quite indignant when the insinuations had been first made; but since they had led to a disclosure to which the country was entitled,

he was thankful for it; and he thanked God that the disclosure had been made in time to save the party from a load of obloquy.

Several other gentlemen of the South commented on the deception and duplicity that had been practiced, and were by no means restrained in their denunciation of Mr. BROWN.

Mr. ROBINSON, of Indiana, defended his colleague. He could see nothing to justify the fierce hunting down-nothing that was dishonorable or inconsistent with the position he occupied. It has been a common practice for candidates to answer questions. It is quite a new idea that it is dishonorable to do so. It may be impolitic but certainly not dishonorable.

Mr. JACOB THOMPSON said that, though feeling deeply mortified by what had occurred, he was glad that the development had been made.

Mr. DUNHAM, from Indiana, made a very good defence of his colleague, and attempted to protect him from the many harsh charges which had been showered upon him.

The whole affair, from the moment of the first explosion to the final shots of the day, was one of high excitement, and seemed to have stirred strong passions, which to that time had been only dreaming of future conflicts. The House adjourned without any further voting.

Thursday, Dec. 13. Mr. BROWN, of Mississippi, offered the following resolution :

Resolved, That HOWELL COBB, of Georgia, is hereby chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives for the Thirty-First Congress.

A lively debate sprung up on this resolution, which soon lost sight of the direct purpose, and became between Mr. MEADE, of Virginia, and Mr. DUER, of N. Y., of a personal and an offensive nature. Mr. DUER, in the course of some remarks he was making, avowed his willingness to vote for any one, whether from the north or the south, except a disunionist. It was questioned if any such persons were present, when he pointed to Mr. MEADE, who rejoined that the accusation was false. Mr. DUER is reported to have then answered Mr. MEADE that he was a liar. Much confusion immediately ensued, and there was danger for a moment of a resort to physical arguments. Mr. DUER afterwards begged pardon of the House for his breach of decorum, and put it to the members if he could have done less than he did under the provocation which had been given. He then said that he believed the gentleman to be a disunionist. He had read in his speech, that if a certain state of things continued which the gentleman said existed, he loathed and detested the name of the Union.

Mr. MCLANE declared that the reason why no election had been effected, was the too great obstinacy shown in behalf of particular individuals.

Mr. TOOMBS thought that the reason why the House had not been organized was, that it was ruled by sectional feelings. The gentleman from New York, [Mr. DUER,] had said that he would vote for a democrat, a whig, or a free-soiler, but he would not vote for a disunionist. Now sir, said Mr. T. I am not afraid to declare in the presence of the House, in the presence of the country, and in the presence of my God, that, if the views and sentiments entertained by the gentleman in relation to slavery, be carried into effect in the House, then disunion is at hand. [Applause.] They who attempt these aggressions on the south, were bringing that very disunion upon us; and the curses of heaven would fall, with all their force, upon those who were the causes of it. In the solemn and sacred presence of my God, I declare that if these views are carried out and persisted in, then this union is dissolved. [Applause.] The southerner, said Mr. T. have been charged with every crime in the decalogue, and taunted about the sin of domestic slavery. He would ask the men of the south what they wanted with organization, if they were not permitted to carry slaves into the Territories? If this state of things continued, he would declare without hesitation that he would be in favor of disunion. Let the south alone, let the district alone. Give to the south their portion of the Territory. Until all this was done, he trusted discord would reign-forever.

Mr. BAKER, in the course of some remarks, denied that the people of the north, by advocating the principles of the Wilmot Proviso, could be justly charged with advocating principles that would lead to disunion. The threats of gentlemen are idle. The Union would not be dissolved.

Mr. WALLACE. We'll teach you.

Mr. BAKER. How are you to teach us? Mr. WALLACE. Let slavery be abolished in this District, or the south be excluded from the Territories, and we will show you that we mean what we say.

Mr. BAKER still did not believe there was a man in the House who thought in his heart or his head, that the hand would ever be raised with power sufficient to destroy this Union.

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, was sorry to say that he and the people in the section of the country that he represented, now consided that the day when the compact was to be rended was near at hand. Every word of Mr. TOOмBS met with his hearty concurrence. Do gentlemen, by uttering pœans to the Union think it can thus be preserved? If so, they are mistaken. If the day of the dissolution of this Union is at hand, it is as well now as hereafter.

Mr. COLCOCK followed in the same menacing tone. Let Congress, said he, pass a bill to