Mosquito Shore, from the southward of Great River to Messrs. Shepherd and Haly, freed us from all debts due to those traders; and we do certify that said grant has our decided approbation, as exclusive of the benefit of clearing us from a large amount of debts, we have the prospect, likewise, of seeing thriving Colonies established on the Mosquito shore. Given under our hand at Bluefields, this 24th day of January, 1839. GEORGE HODGSON, JAMES PORTER. SENATE. CONGRESSIONAL SUMMARY. body. Strong opposition was made to it by several Southern members, because, some years since he, with Daniel O'Connell, had addressed the Irish people living in America, in language stigmatizing slavery, and recom mending that they should all support, politically, the advocates of abolition. field of Northern Abolitionism; and, at length, all the Free States came to be included in his invectives. There are, said he to the Northern Senators, objects of charity enough, without hunting for slaves upon whom to bestow it. There are at this very moment in all your great cities, thousands of homeless wretches, destitute of food or raiment, and without a thought or an instinct that is not colored by crime. There are hordes of wretched females toiling by day and by night for a miserable pittance, which only adds to the horrors of starvation, by protracting the agonies of the sufferer. There are bands of little children to whom beggary has descend As has been anticipated, all the usual political questions demanding the attention of the national Legislature, have been reduced to matters of minor importance, by the magnitude of the great sectional one of Negro Slavery. This subject has occupied a promi- Mr. CLEMENS, of Alabama, in his remarks, nent position from the first day that the mem- was particularly excited; and not content bers assembled for their organization. The with his attack on the "Apostle of Tempegentlemen from the South have come to Wash-rance," he very soon opened out the whole ington, evidently in a temper that threatens mischief. The alacrity with which they seize on points that will permit an attack on the Free States-the fiery manner of their assaults their violent denunciations of every kind of legislation which can in any way restrict the extension of slavery, all show that the period has now arrived when this question must be finally settled. The Wilmot Proviso has placed the Free and the Slave States in direct hostility to each other. Both sections profess to have planted themselves on principles from which neither can recede without discredit. The Free States declare in every possible way in which they can express public opinion, that soil belonged as an inheritance; and for whom a State ing to the United States, and which is now free from the scourge of slave labor, shall forever remain so; the Southern States, on the other hand, with just as much resolution, and with even more energy, declare that their rights are absolute to carry slavery into any Territory belonging to the United States, except that from which it is excluded by the Missouri Compromise. The people of the South maintain that this is not only a common right which they possess with all the people of the Union, but that it may also be regarded as a right derived from necessity. As the number of slaves increase, new lands must be found on which they can be profitably employed. If there be no such relief as this, the time must naturally arrive when the slave population, becoming excessive, will cease to have any value as property, and will be unable to supply themselves with food and clothing. The first belligerent demonstration made in the Senate, was on a resolution offered by Mr. WALKER, on the 19th of December, proposing that Father MATHEW, the Irish advocate of Temperance, should be allowed the privilege of a seat within the bar of that prison is a welcome asylum. Misery in all its forms-poverty in all its rags-sickness and starvation are around you; and yet, with a miserable hypocrisy, you must travel away to the south, and waste your sympathies upon a population who are better clothed, better fed, who work less and live more happily than four-fifths of yourselves. You compel a poor factory girl to perform an amount of labor which is not exacted from healthy and robust men by the planters of the South-separate her from her friends and relations-allow no one to visit her without a written pass from an overseer, and all the while thank God that you are free from the curse of African slavery. Nay, more; you assume to be of a better and a purer race. You unblushingly assert, on all occasions, that while the pistol and the bowie knife give law to the South, you are in the constant observance of moral and religious precepts. Sir, I admit with regret that there are occasional scenes of violence among us, and that sometimes, we forget the value of human life; but our offences have always a touch of manliness in them. There are no petty larcenies-no outrages upon unprotected females-no midnight as sassinations for money. When we stoop to imitate the brute creation, we take the lion, not the hyena, for our model. But, while I make the admission that we are not altogether free from crime, let me ask how stands the case with you? The city of New York alone furnishes more State prison convicts than the whole fifteen Southern States together. You tear down churches; burn up convents, inhabited by a few helpless nuns; get up processions in honor of a brutal prize-fighter; and raise riots at the bidding of a worthless player, in which scores of lives are sacrificed, without dreaming that there is any thing in all this unbecoming the descendants of the pilgrim fathers. Look at home, I say; correct your own iniquities, relieve your own sufferers, and then, but not till then, you may prate of the crime and misery which slavery engenders. I regret, he continued, that this debate has sprung up. I regret still more the course it has taken-not, however, from prudential considerations; not because, as the Senator from Kentucky has intimated, it is imprudent to discuss matters in relation to slavery, but because this question must soon be met in another form, and I was willing to let it slumber till then. But I may as well now say that the time for prudential action is past. The disease is a desperate one, and requires desperate remedies. For one, sir, I yield no inch of ground-no, not one hair's breadth. Whenever this anti-slavery sentiment shows itself, whatever form it may assume, I am ready to do battle against it. The time for half measures has gone by. You must let us alone, or take the consequences. After a very long debate, much of which was in the same tone, the question was taken and decided in the affirmative by a vote of 33 to 18. Union-loving people, and have no idea of entering into combinations to resist or intimidate the legislation of Congress. The General Assembly of the State had mistaken the sentiment of the State, and many members who voted for the resolutions, and the Governor who signed them, have since disavowed and repudiated them. He asserted that the pledge that they contained was a mistake, and let Congress do what it might, the people of his State would abide the decision of the ballot box and the bench. It is only this course that can save the Union from the fate of all the Confederacies which have successively appeared and disappeared in the history of nations. Anarchy among its members and not tyranny in the head, has been the rock on which all such Confederacies have split. The authors of our present form of government knew the danger of this rock, and by forming a perfect Union they provided against it. They established a federal judiciary to execute the federal laws when found to be constitutional, and popular elections to repeal them when found to be bad. Mr. B. pursued this argument considerably further, and he quoted from the papers of the Federalist to show the difference between the "league," which was abandoned and the Union that was formed when the Constitution was adopted. To render the Union as permanent as possible, the States were forbid to form compacts or agreements with each other; the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance of it were declared to be the supreme law of the land; and all authorities, state and federal, legislative, executive, and judicial, were to be sworn to support it. The resolutions which have been read contradict all this, and the General Assembly mistook their own powers as much as they mistook the sentiments of the people of Missouri, when they adopted them." On the 4th of January, General CASS addressed the Senate on his proposition to in On the 3d of January, the slave question was renewed on the presentation by Mr. ATCHISON of resolutions passed by the general Assembly of the State of Missouri, inquire into the expediency of suspending diplowhich the right of Congress to legislate in such manner as to affect the institution of slavery in the States, the District of Columbia, or in the Territories, is denied. They declare that the right to prohibit slavery in any Territory belongs exclusively to the people thereof; and they conclude by saying that in the event of the passage of any act conflicting with the principles that they have already expressed, Missouri will be found in hearty co-operation with the slave-holding States in such measures as may be deemed necessary for their mutual protection against the encroachments of northern fanaticism. Mr. BENTON declared that the resolutions did not represent the sentiments of the people of Missouri, who are a law-abiding and a matic relations with Austria, on account of the alleged barbarities committed during the war in Hungary. Mr. Cass made a very long and able speech in support of his resolution. A general debate took place, in which Mr. CLAY joined. He argued that the resolution was inexpedient in every respect. The inquiry would be useless, and if it was determined to suspend our relations with Austria, it would be worse than useless. Instead of withdrawing a mere Chargé, he had expected that the Senator would have proposed to send to that country some wise, energetic, and able man to plead the cause of Hungary, and to remonstrate in behalf of the unfortunate patriots. We do not send ministers to foreign nations on account of the respect we entertain for the country to which they are sent, but to main- | tain the rights and interests of Americans. Where is this principle to end if we adopt it? We may hereafter be called on to pursue the same course on account of the religion or morals of some other nation. Why not try Russia by the same rule? Why not include Spain on account of the Inquisition? The policy of our government is not to interfere with European nations in their affairs. Mr. FOOTE replied to Mr. CLAY in an animated speech, but the question was left undecided. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. On Saturday, the 22d of December, the business of the day commenced by an announcement made by Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee, that he had a proposition to submit, which was the result of the deliberations of a Committee of Conference, appointed by the Whig and Democratic parties of the House, in the hope of effecting an organization. This was a signal for a most tumultuous scene, in which Mr. TooмBS, of Georgia was the principal character. He insisted on his right to debate, contrary to a resolution of the members, by which all debate had been precluded. The gentleman continued to talk amidst general cries of "order," and during the time that the clerk was calling the yeas and nays on a motion. Mr. STANTON at length having obtained an opportunity of being heard, rose and called for the reading of the proposition which he had submitted, viz: Resolved, That the House will proceed immediately to the election of a Speaker, viva voce, and if, after the roll shall have been called three times no member shall have received a majority of the whole number of votes, the roll shall again be called, and the member who shall then receive the largest number of votes, provided it be a majority of a quorum, shall be declared the Speaker. Several motions and amendments were made by which to dispose of this resolution, but all were rejected, and the resolution was adopted as it was originally proposed, by a vote of 113 to 106-Mr. WINTHROP Voting for it, and Mr. COBB, of Georgia, against it. The three votings being exhausted without effecting an election, the contingency had arrived that was contemplated in Mr. Stanton's proposition. The House, therefore, proceeded to vote for the sixty-third time, with the following result: Howell Cobb, of Georgia, 102; Robert C. Winthrop, of Mass., 100; David Wilmot, of Pa., 8; Charles Morehead, of Ky., 4; William Strong, of Pa., 3; A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, 1; William F. Colcock, of S. C. 1; Charles Durkee, of Wisconsin, 1; Emery D. Potter, of Ohio, 1; Linn Boyd, of Ky., 1; the whole number of votes being 222. The Democrats generally voted for Mr. Cobb, and the Whigs for Mr. Winthrop. The free soilers and others who were irreconcileable to either of the two prominent candidates, gave their votes as we shall now present them : For David Wilmot.-Messrs. Allen, Booth, Durkee, Giddings, Howe, Julian, P. King, and Root. For A. H. Stephens.-Mr. E. C. Cabell. For Wm. Strong.-Messrs. Cleveland, Doty, and Peck. For Wm. F. Colcock.-Mr. Holmes. For Charles S. Morehead.-Messrs. Morton, Owen, A. H. Stephens, and Toombs. For Charles Durkee.-Mr. Wilmot. For Emery D. Potter.-Mr. Wood. For Linn Boyd.-Mr. Woodward. Mr. COBB having been declared, by a resolution submitted by Mr. STANLEY, to be duly elected, he was conducted to the Chair by Mr. Winthrop and Mr. McDowell. After a moment's pause, he arose and addressed the House as follows: Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: It would be useless to disguise the fact that I feel deeply embarrassed in taking this Chair under the circumstances attending my election. I am conscious of the difficulties by which this position is surrounded at the present time. The peculiar organization of this body, as exhibited in our proceedings since we first met-the nature and character of the various important exciting questions of public policy which will engage our attention during the present session of Congress, conspire to render the duties of the office peculiarly embarrassing, onerous, and responsible. I may be permitted, therefore, to ask in advance your generous aid and support in the effort I shall make, firmly, faithfully, and impartially, to discharge its duties. The country has been looking with anxiety to our efforts to effect an organization. The people will continue to regard with intense interest every step we take in our legislative course. Our duties will be laborious, our responsibilities great. Let us, then, in view of these considerations, invoke, in the discharge of these duties, a patriotism as broad as the Union, and as comprehensive as the nature and character of her various interests and institutions. Guided by this spirit, under the blessing of Heaven, our action will result in the continued prosperity of our common country. Accept, gentlemen, my grateful acknowledgments for the honor you have conferred on me in selecting me as your presiding officer during the present Congress. The Speaker was then sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, after which the House adjourned to Monday, the 24th, when the formalities of administering the oath to all the members were gone through with, and the 31st Congress was pronounced organized for legislative business. Up to this day no proceedings of this nature had taken place. The whole time of Congress had been chiefly occupied, with the exception of some executive matters in the Senate, in the struggle between parties and factions. Mr. BLISS, his Private Secretary, delivered at the Speaker's Chair the Annual Message of the President of the United States, accompanied with official Reports. On Thursday, the 27th of December, the House assembled for the dispatch of business, and after adopting a resolution in relation to the Rules, Mr. VENABLE offered a resolution which was substantially as follows: That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to the House whether, since the last session of Congress any person had been by him appointed either a civil or military governor of California or New Mexico, and if so, his name and compensation; and if the duty of a military and civil governor had been united in the same person. Also, whether any agent or agents had been appointed and sent to those Territories, authorized to organize the people of said Territories into a government, or to aid and advise them in such an organization, or to advise them as to the formation of a government for themselves. Also, that the President be requested to communicate to the House all the instructions given to such governor, civil or military, or to any officers of the army of the United States, or any other persons, and the proclamations and communications by them made to the people of said Territories, as well as the entire correspondence of such agents or governors with this Government. Also, whether any person or persons have been authorized to appoint and direct elections in said Territories, and determine the qualifications of voters at the same; and whether any census of the citizens of the said Territories has been made, and that the same, if made, be communicated to this House. This resolution, according to rule, was ordered to lie over one day. It was moved by Mr. BURT, that the Speaker do now appoint the Standing Committees of the House. Mr. SACKETT proposed an amendment that would give the election of these Committees to the House. Mr. Roor said to his friend that he was too late, and that he should have thought of this proposition when they were deciding on the plurality vote for Speaker, who was in the Chair by the votes both of political friends and enemies. The Speaker no doubt regard ed the resolution of Mr. STANLEY as his best title for the position which he occupied. A Speaker thus elected might surely be trusted with the formation of the Committees. After making a Speaker by a vote nearly unanimous -there being about thirty dissenting voicesthe House would present itself in a strange and ridiculous situation, if they took away from him the appointment of the Committees of the House. Mr. GIDDINGS continued this strain, and said that the Speaker held his seat as the result of the plurality rule, which was forced upon the House by the Whig party, aided by a small portion of those of the opposite side of the House. The Whig party had had it in their power at any time to elect a provisoist from Pennsylvania. Mr. GIDDINGS next assailed Mr. WINTHROP, and charged him with favoring the interests of slavery in appointing the Committee on the District of Columbia. That Committee, during the last session of Congress, said he, appeared to have been studiously arranged to preserve the infamous commerce in human flesh carried on in that city. All the revolting scenes that the members of the Committee had witnessed in the Washington slave market-the voice of humanity-the sentiment of the North, were all insufficient to extort from that Committee a report against the slave trade, or even a word of reproof against that traffic, for pursuing which, on the eastern shores of the Atlantic, we hang men as unsuited to human association. He never could be brought to sustain the late Speaker after he had made such appointments. It was certain that the present Speaker could do no worse, and there was a chance that he might do better. Mr. WINTHROP replied, and began by remarking that he desired to say only a few words. He did not propose to enter into an elaborate answer to the remarks of the gentleman of Ohio, but preferred rather to remind the House that a reply had already come from a gentleman on the other side, (Mr. Johnson, of Tenn.) who had held him up as having, in every respect, gone against Southern views, and used the power and patronage of the House against them. He was quite willing to let these counter-speeches go out to the country in reply the one to the other. The gentleman from Ohio had defended the vote he had given against him (Mr. WINTHROP) for Speaker two years before, by stating in the public papers that he (Mr. W.) had gone into a Whig caucus at the time the war-bill was about to be passed, and made a speech in favor of the war; and he had placed the whole course of his action against him (Mr. W.) on that ground. The statement was wholly false, and he had testimony which the House would trust, to prove it so. He had already disproved the story; but the gentleman had repeated the |
