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this faction of no principle proclaimed their purpose to be the conquest and absorption, of the entire continent. There were colonies of armed settlers on the Northern frontier who were to begin a war with England for the acquisition of Canada. By the exercise of a wisdom, which, embodied in one man, represents the prudence of the American people, that danger was averted. A second effort saved us a second time-during the boundary altercation with England about the Northern territories on the Pacific side of the Continent. In their third attempt, the instigators of war were more successful :instead of purchasing from Mexico what she would freely have sold to us had we approached her in a spirit of peace and conciliation, we trod rudely upon her frontiers, and roused her to a spirit irreconcilably hostile, and that refused negotiation. Late in the day, after a prodigious expenditure of blood and treasure, we recovered ourselves, and began to see reason and right again, as before; and we purchased the territory which our war faction would have had us seize for a conquest. And now the same faction are beginning again, a fourth time, or, rather, a fifth, for we recognize them first at the time of the annexation of Louisiana,-and they are preparing for us a series of alarming difficulties; their aim is universal empire, by conquest, on the new continent. They know the movements and desires of the more restless portion of the people, and with the bayonet they point the way. Their designs look not far into the future,not beyond an age. They have it in their power to create causes of war that shall be inevitable; and they know that, as a nation, we recognise no settled colonial system.

Since the adoption of the Constitution new territories have been at intervals added to the Union, until the middle third of the continent has come under the Government of the United States. Immense portions of territory, sufficient to sustain many millions of population, are added by each distinct effort, and, in comparatively short spaces of time are divided into States, so that, in rather more than half a century, the extent of inhabitable and cultivatable territory has been increased three fold, and the number of

separate sovereignties risen from thirteen to thirty. Seventeen new sovereignties have been added to the Union, each one able and efficient to represent and defend itself. But with the increase is augmented also the power of increase. The addition of every new state heightens the probability of the addition of others. Every new State, formed upon a new territory, acts upon the territory beyond it, and colonizes another state. The addition of Texas prepares the way for the addition of three others, to be formed out of the territory of Texas. The establishment of a new state on the Pacific, accelerates the formation of four more, two in the Northern, and two in the Southern and middle parts of the continent. The overflow of population from New Mexico, California, and the territories of Texas, rapidly Americanizes the Northern sections of the Mexican Republic. The absorbing and attractive power of our institutions, the same power which draws an annual emigration of half a million from Europe, which empties entire European villages of their inhabitants, acts with an effect still more intense upon the nations that surround us. round us. By this attractive influence, powerful revolutionary parties are generated in every nation, sufficiently civilized and contiguous, to feel directly the influence of our institutions. These revolutionary parties desire to have their governments incorporated with, and under the protection of the Union. It is idle to protest against these effects; the causes are too creditable to ourselves that we should make the effects a subject of lamentation.

And yet we have no policy of colonization, of a just, and peaceful, and beneficial colonization. We refuse to look at facts. We deny ourselves the benefits of the future; or, rushing into the other extreme, we grasp madly at consequences, and, by unjust means, accelerate the movement of events.

It is reported that an armed expedition, organized by private adventurers, in league with a revolutionary portion in the Spanish Island of Cuba, is, at this moment, landing upon the shores of that island, with a view to assist in displacing the Cuban Despotism. The Government of the United States, it is said, in conformity with those laws, and with those treaties

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and the defenders of the Island. Between these new colonists and the revolutionary faction there is a strong sympathy: and, after a time, matters come to a crisis; the Island makes a sudden effort, and throws off her allegiance to Spain. Spain, either of her own motion, or aided and instigated by England, maintains a furious and destructive war upon the Islanders. American volunteers pour in to aid their countrymen, and share the spoils of vic

with foreign nations, by which a strict neutrality is made a part of the national system, have ordered a naval armament to watch this expedition, and forbid their landing. This order of the Executive is struck at by certain Democratic Senators, and others, as an anti-republican order. The Executive, we know, cannot lift a finger toward the execution of a law, without being anti-republican, or, rather, antiDemocratic for, it is the maxim of the war-and-conquest faction, that the best go-tory. Reverses follow: Spain is too powvernment is that which fails oftenest in the execution of the laws in their view, "that is the best government which governs least:" which is as if one should say, that is the best teacher, who teaches least; that is the best mason, who builds least; or the best clergyman, who preaches least; or the best captain, who commands least effectually; or the best agent, who attends least to the orders of his employers. By this creed, the present Executive is like to prove a very defective agent. The lawmakers, with us, are the people;-the Executive is their agent;--the less he attends to the commands of those who put him in office, the more pleasing will he be to the Democratic, or no government, faction.

This movement of adventurers upon the Island of Cuba has thrown out, into strong relief, the two colors of the peace and war parties in America. The party of red, the aggressive faction, are watching eagerly the progress of events in the South. This Cuba business is, doubtless, to them, the first movement in a line of conquest, by which Mexico and the West Indies are to be absorbed.

The chances are greatly in favor of their success: they have everything to hope, and nothing to lose they rely upon two causes to promote their final success :first, the onward movement of population, aided by that spirit of military adventure, and colonization, which is congenial to our people, and which, at certain moments, takes possession of the entire nation. Imagine a series of events like the following: The present, or some future expedition effects a landing, and succeeds in colonizing a portion of the Island of Cuba. The enterprise, managed with prudence, and well supported at home, could hardly fail. Then follows a season of hostilities, and a truce between the colonists

erful for her rebellious subjects. Citizens of the United States, taken in arms against the Government, are executed without trial, or thrown into dungeons. Then begins the movement at home. An universal sympathy with these suffering and adventurous spirits, moves the national heart. Hostility to Spain, the oppressor and her allies, becomes a test of patriotism. In the tempest of popular enthusiasm all parties are carried away. Negotiations with Spain are managed in such a manner, under the excitement of the time, as rather to hurry on the catastrophy; and there is danger of a general

war.

Such is the first cause, or line of causes, upon which the war faction rely for ultimate success. Of their particular and personal object in creating the war, and carrying out the system to which it appertains, it is unnecessary to speak at present.

The second train of causes upon which they rely is of a more subtle, and much less appreciable character. It is a line of support derived from the attitude taken by non-extensionist party, and which places them, and the entire conservative body of the nation, at the mercy of the war faction. It begins in the fact that the conservative and constitutional peace party refuse to adopt a colonial system; whereas they, the war party, have a system, and a very effective one it is, and appeals, upon occasion, to the passions of the people with such force as to overwhelm all opposition; and the unjust and destructive spirit of war has its own way, with consequences infinitely to be deplored by the friends of freedom and legitimate pro

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nation by its growth. He has no faith in the expansive power of a Republic. He has faith in a despotic, but none in a republican or free expansion. He thinks that the best government is the least capable of extending its dominion. He reverts to the happy thirteen colonies forgetful of the fact, that it is found a much easier task to nationalize thirty than thirteen, sovereigh and independent States. Of the thirteen the best that could be made was a rotten federation, and then a feeble and uncertain Union; but now, out of the thirty, is there one that can erect itself against twenty-nine? This error is one which a contemplation of the facts ought at once to dissipate. It is the power of the separate sovereignties of which conservatism should be jealous, and over which it should exert a constant care; it is they that are in danger, and not the general system. Again; no sooner does it appear that the tide of population and enterprize is beginning to overflow the boundaries of some neighbor State, all that we have to offer is a cry against the unmanageable growth of the empire, the unwieldly bulk it has attained, and the formidable dangers that must ensue from the increased patronage of the Executive. We throw down the reins and the steed goes whither he will; another hand snatches them up, and we are plunged into a war.

Colonization, meanwhile, goes on rapidly. Bands of armed colonists and depredators swarm across the frontier, urged and encouraged by those who, if they confide but little in the constitution, trust implicitly to the timely passions of the people. The crisis arrives. It becomes necessary to negotiate for the protection of our citizens, now colonists upon a hostile territory. We are at a loss what to do. The people, impatient of our hesitation and delay, cry out for violent measures.

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Events move on. The war is begun. It becomes necessary to sustain the honor of the nation. Millions have to be voted; five, ten, fifty, a hundred millions,-army after army is sent into the field. my, who might have been made friends and allies, with vast loss and great glory are subdued. The people grow weary of the war, and begin to calculate the cost. The war party falls into disrepute, and go out of office. Negociations ensue for the purchase of territories already conquered. It is a point of honor and of honesty to purchase them. The empire of freedom was not founded by robbers. WOULD IT NOT HAVE BEEN BETTER TO HAVE PURCHASED

BEFORE THE WAR?

Of all the systems of policy that have been pursued for national aggrandizement, that of the forcible or fraudulent seizure of the territories and property of others, has led those who have adopted it the most rapidly to their own destruction. Public immorality, originating in the vice and ambition of a few demagogues, who have the art to inspire, in the masses, a spirit of violence, reacts unhappily upon the character of individuals, leading them to a general disregard of social and moral obligations. As a just war elevates and strengthensan unjust, aggressive war, depresses and corrupts, a people. With ourselves, proud as we are of our strength, and confiding in the undoubted superio.ity of our arms, the temptations to aggression are extraordinary

-the ablest statesmanship of the age has been exercised in averting the omens of war. It is not always in the power of a single man to meet or avert the storm. It is wisdom to anticipate the danger and prevent its access by measures of progress and of conciliation, providing equally for the growth, education and unity of our future empire.

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SIR JOHN FRANKLIN AND THE ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.

A PERIOD in every age of the world has consists, but every attempt to reach it has been marked for its spirit of adventure; failed. The broad Pacific, with its innueither for the discovery and exploration of merable islands, has been the field for unknown countries, or for the colonization maritime expeditions for more than two and settlement of countries previously centuries. In this, the United States has known. Curiosity is, doubtless, the first entered into competition with other nations, principle which directs human footsteps to and has contributed her share to the geopenetrate where they had not before trod-graphy, and the natural and physical science den; to scan the broad ocean in quest of new lands; or to explore the depths of the African continent, and amid her burning sands, and her pestilential climate, to trace the sources of her mysterious rivers. Again, it leads him into the icy regions of the Poles, to search for a north-west passage across the American continent, or to reach those imaginary points which are the centre of the earth's axis. Without going back into the earlier periods of history, when the love of adventure was as great as in our time, it will suffice to speak of it, as it has been exhibited to us.

During the present century maritime and inland adventure, and discovery, have both been prominent. For several years the desire was to penetrate into the interior of Africa, to discover the source of the river Niger. Mungo Park was the first adventurer in this field, as well as the first victim to its deadly climate. Successive expeditions were sent out by the British Government, which only terminated with the late attempt to ascend the Niger, with steam vessels, from its mouth. To discover the sources of the Nile has recently been the object of several expeditions, and although traced almost to the centre of the continent, its head waters have not yet been discovered. A vast region remains unexplored within this continent, and several adventurers are, at the present moment, pressing forward to penetrate it. In another quarter of the globe there has been a great curiosity to know of what the centre of the vast island of New Holland

of this region. In the Antarctic exploration we have also done our part. Besides these several portions of the earth, where the love of adventure and the promotion of science has led the traveller, there are others in Africa, Asia, and America, into which he has also found his way, and where he has been amply rewarded for his labors.

During the present century, in fact since the year 1818, the most remarkable zeal and interest has been awakened in England for explorations in the Arctic regions of America. They originated, first, in a desire to solve the problem of the existence of a north-west passage, second, to reach the North Pole; and, finally, when neither of these ends could be accomplished, it resolved itself simply into a desire to mark out the geographical features of these dreary and inaccessible solitudes, and to make certain observations connected with physical science. The discovery of a north-west passage, it is known, would possess no advantage, in a commercial point of view; nor would the feat of reaching the axis of the earth's rotation, be likely to confer a benefit on mankind; but every lover of science, every bold adventurer, in fact, every one at all imbued with the rational curiosity of knowing the physical condition of this inaccessible portion of our globe, feels a desire to see these questions solved. The world would rejoice if the daring and noble Franklin might yet be the means of solving these problems. No one has done more to earn these laurels than he, and

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