of their privileges, and the moft flagrant infringement of their rights. If one fet of caufes had operated, why might not another? The prerogative had lefs to fear at present than at any former periods. As to the mildnefs of minifters, granting that their conduct had been mild and lenient, yet, to keep up a notion that fecurity is owing not to the protection of the law, but to the mercy of a few individuals, muft be attended with the most unhappy confequences. Men, owing no obligations to the conftitution, muft ceafe to admire, muft lofe all affection for it, and fee, without regret, another erected in its stead. Thefe were his reasons for oppofing the bill.

Lord Mulgrave defended the bill. Was it not wife and lenient, by prudent precautions, to preclude the neceffity of other and more vigorous meafures? The circumftances of the country had not been so changed as to preclude the neceffity of the prefent meafure. Pofitive proofs of confpiracies were actually on their lord hips table. The noble lord, who'fpoke laft, might, if he pleased, talk of the French revolution as the effects of rational freedom; but this rational liberty had fhewn itself in the murder of the fovereign, in the bloody and deteftable tyranny of Robespierre! The five directors had trodden the fame ground with the bloody Robespierre, with this difference, that their tyranny was more veiled, his more avowed. And were there no proofs, even in this country, of a predilection in favour of this rational liberty? Had not a noble lord (Stanhope) within thefe walls, in his place, difclaimed his quality, and, in preference, affumed a title, which, as it had been applied in

France, ought to be held in juft difgrace? Could that noble earl have arrogated to himself the term citizen, unless there were, at the same time, a difpofition in the country to flatter fuch freaks and prejudices? He wifhed that citizen Stanhope, fince that was the title in which he gloried, had been prefent in his place, to hear of his exprefs difapprobation of his conduct.

Lord Eldon faid, he could have wifhed to have given a filent vote, if he had not felt it inconfiftent with his duty, as a member of that houfe, and, in a peculiar degree, as being a member of a profeffion, which was connected with the laws of the country. He could not avoid, therefore, taking notice of fome of the topics which had been touched upon by the noble lords who had opposed the motion, especially as it had fallen to his lot to difcharge his duty to his country at a critical period. The noble lord (Holland) had argued, that there was only one folitary conviction, and that, in that perfon's cale, there was no treafon produced against this country. But the fact was, that the perfon convicted was proved to have been planning with difaffected bodies of men in this country, with certain affiliated and correfponding focieties. in Ireland; and furely the noble lord needed not to be told, that a perfon attempting to fever the crown of Ireland from that of England is guilty of an overt act of treaton against the king of this country? The noble lord had reprefented that man, Coigley, as an unconvicted traitor; but fubfequent events had proved, that, though the law of evidence would not permit perfons to be convicted on the record, yet, in point of prudence, they might

be

be viewed as fo implicated in the guilt, that the legiflature would be fully juftified in taking fuch fteps as would prevent the machinations of fuch men, whofe measures must endanger the fafety of the community. His lordship faid, he fpoke upon the moft conscious perfuafion, that, if this fufpenfion act had not paffed, their lordships would not have been at this time within that house to deliberate on this or any other act; or, at least, that their existence would have been endangered. The noble lord had argued, that none fhould be apprehended but fuch as could be brought to trial; but his lordship should know that cafes might occur, as they had already occurred, in which, for want of two witnelles, perfons could not be legally convicted, when, at the fame time, no doubt could remain of their guilt. Let noble lords recollect what had paffed in Ireland: there, where the law in cafes of high treafon only required one witness, a perfon, (his name he had forgotten) feeling that he had embarked in a project ruinous to his country, and founded on the breach of every political duty, had the merit (for fo he would call it) of being the informer; a circumflance which had led to the detec tion of the whole confpiracy. But would the noble lord fay, becaufe, in this country, a perfon could not be put upon his trial for high treafon without the teftimony of two witneffes, that, therefore, no danger exifted? With regard to what had paffed at Maidstone, would the noble lord argue, that, becaufe no fufficient legal proof could be brought against any but one of the men who were put upon their trial, the legislature hould have fat ftill, and not endeavoured to prevent the

mifchief, where there were fuch grounds for fufpicion, that the French directory were tampering with difaffected men to destroy the conftitution of this country? In a cafe of that new defcription fo dangerous, and the plot fo artfully combined, was he to thut his eyes against the danger arifing to the country, or refuse to make a legiflative provifion, of a nature as temperate as circumftances would admit? He would venture to say, that to the fuspension of the habeas corpus act was owing the prefervation of the crown to the houfe of Hanover; and by this very act, late and former confpiracies had been broken to pieces. But he must obferve, that the lenity of former reigns and governments was not to be compared with what had taken place in this reign. It was this which gave value to the British conftitution, that it was not founded on that theory, which God never intended man fhould adopt as the rule by which he fhould act, as if he was a perfect creature. The law of England looked on man ́as encompaffed with faults and vices: it went on this principle, that, in general, the exifting provifions fhould be fuch as to fecure, to the utmoft, the liberties of the country; but, in purfuing this object, it confidered alfo that it had to do with men as they are, and that it was the duty of the community to fubmit to a temporary deprivation of privilege, in order the more effectually to enjoy the liberties of the British conftitution.

The question for the third reading of the bill was then carried by 30 against 7; and by the royal affert, on the twenty-eighth of February, paffed into a law.

About

About the fame time, another bill, of a fimilar naturè, was paffed into a law: namely, for continuing the act for the better fecuring and punifhing fuch perfons as fhould attempt to feduce his majefty's fubjects from their allegiance.

It is not poffible, in all cafes, to fecure the tranquillity of a ftate, by the fubmiffion of the people, through the operation of any laws of coercion. There is a point of fuffering and diftrefs, when men begin to balance the evils they actually fuffer, with the dangers to which they might be expofed, by a violation of the laws, and when they are difposed to seek for prefent relief, by tumult, riots, and infurrection. It was, probably, under the fame train of ideas, which dictated the renewal of the two acts just mentioned, that the legislature turned its attention to the enormous price of bread, and all neceffaries, occafioned partly, no doubt, by the waste of war, but chiefly by a wet, late, and feauty

harvest.

A committee was appointed, of the house of commons, on the tenth of February, to confider of the moft effectual means of remedying any inconveniences that might arife from any deficiency of the laft crop of grain, and empowered to report their proceedings, from time to time, to the house. A fimilar committee was appointed in the house of peers. The committee of the commons reported, on the thirteenth of February," That, although a confiderable importation of wheat, from foreign countries, had already taken place, and more might be expected, yet they felt that they fhould not difcharge their duty, unless they ftrongly recommended to all indiVOL. XLII.

viduals to ufe every means in their power to reduce the confumption of wheaten flour in their families, and encourage the district in which they live, by their example, influence, and authority, every poffible economy in this article.-The committee, impreffed with the idea of the importance of fuch economy at the prefent moment, earneftly recommended the adoption of a meafure, which, from the unanimous opinion of thofe who had appeared in evidence before them, would lead to a very confiderable faving of wheaten-flour. The evidence of

the bakers, who had been examined by the committee, could not fail to convince the house, that, in families where bread, which had been baked for fome hours is used, the confumption is far lefs confiderable than in those where it is the cuftom to eat it new. They differed in the proportion of this faving. Some had ftated it as amounting to onethird, fome as amounting to onefifth, and others as only to oneeighth. But, when it was confidered, that one-half of the bread in London is confumed on the day on which it is baked, there could not be a doubt that a great faving would enfae, if the bakers were prohibited from felling it, until twentyfour hours after it was baked. The committee were ftrongly induced to recommend this measure, from the confideration that a very refpectable phyfician had given it as his decided opinion that new bread is far lefs wholefome than that which has been baked a certain number of hours; and they thought it important to add, that, in the opinion of the bakers in the metropolis, no material detriment or in[K]

convenience

convenience to their trade would arife from the adopting this regulation.

"The committee had heard, with very great concern, that, from the miftaken application of the charity of individuals, in fome parts of the country, flour and bread had been delivered to the poor at a redaced price; a practice which might contribute very confiderably to increase the inconveniences arifing from the deficiency of the laft crop. And they recommended that all charity and parochial relief fiould be given, as far as was practicable, in any other articles except bread, flour, and money; and that the part of it which was neceflary for the fuftenance of the poor, fhould be diftributed in foups, rice, potatoes, or other fubftitutes. They were of opinion, that, if this regulation were generally adopted, it would not only, in a very great degree, contribute to economize, at that time, the confumption of flour, but that it might have the effect of gradually introducing into ufe a more wholefome and nutritious fpecies of food than that to which the poor were at prefent accuftomed. The committee thought it also important to flate, before they concluded their report, that government, in conformity to the declaration of the chancellor of the exchequer in laft feffion of parliament, had abstained from all interference in the purchases of corn in the foreign markets; and, as they conceived that the fpeculations of individuals were more likely to produce an adequate fupply of foreign wheat, at the prefent crifis, than any other measures that could be adopted, the policy of the government, in that refpect, met with their decided approbation."

The houfe went again into a committee, on the fubject of the present fcarcity, and bread-corn, on the eighteenth of February.

Lord Hawkefbury ftated, chiefly from the calculations of Mr. Arthur Young, that the crop, in general, in this country, was not fufficient for the fupply of the inhabitants; and that, when this and the ordinary importation failed, the beft method that could be adopted was, the ufe of fabftitutes. The habits and the prejudices of the people would, at firft, oppofe their introduction. It was difficult to change old habits; but, for fuch a purpose, as introducing fubftitutes for bread, the attempt fhould be perfevered in. Were this plan adopted, this country would be found to contain in itself the means of feeding its inhabitants; at prefent, the mode of feeding it was not the moft economical. Great economy might be introduced, and every one would rejoice, that, by the efforts of count Rumford, and other individuals following his methods, this economy was already reduced by many to practice. It appeared by the noble count's calculations and statements, that one-third more fuftenance might be derived from many articles of provifion, without abridging the luxuries of the rich, than was ufually drawn from them. The ufe of fubftitutes, as fuggefted by the committee, was particularly to be recommended in charities, and in parochial relief. This introduction might not be effected at once; yet, it must be recollected, that this was not the first year of fearcity, and that it would not be the laft. Within thefe five years, it was the second time that a fcarcity had occurred. Thus, it appeared, that, though, in

closures

clofures had been going on rapidly, and that, though agriculture, through the exertions of the board and other means, had been improving, the increase of population had outrun them. Lord Hawkesbury concluded his fpeech with a high encomium on the liberality which the rich had difplayed in alleviating the diftrefs, and in fupplying the wants of the poor, and alfo in the poor for their becoming conduct; and moved, "That the chairman be directed to report, that it was the opinion of that committee, that leave be granted to bring in a bill to prohibit bakers from expofing any bread for fale, which had not been baked a certain number of hours."

Mr. Hobhoufe did not rife to oppofe the motion; but to exprefs his joy that the fubject had been taken into confideration. It would have been better for the country, had it received an earlier attention, and employed fome of the time wafted in a long adjournment; for it was known long fince that the harvest had failed, and that scarcity must enfue. He was ready to admit that the fcarcity was to be attributed principally to the deficiency of crops; but he infifted that the war not only increafed confumption, but cut off fome of the means of fupply, by futting many of the ports of Europe against us, namely, the ports of Holland, Flanders, and France; and rendered every article of inport dearer, by the advanced price of freight and infurance. In these refpects, as well as many others, the war, flated by fome politicians to bring with it fo many bleflings, because agriculture and commerce had increafed in great and equal

proportions, was, indeed, most calamitous. It preffed heavily on the lower claffes, by raifing the price of that firft neceffary of life, upon which they almoft entirely fubfifted. With refpect to the propofed remedy againft the exifting evil, Mr. Hobhoufe approved it as far as it went, and was glad to hear that fome others were in contemplation. He thought, however, that little could be expected from pofitive.. laws, and that more was to be done by exhortation, by example, and by charity properly diftributed. had no doubt but that the gentlemen whom he now addressed, and the affluent among all ranks, would exert themselves on the present trying occafion. It was the duty of every one to ftrive to alleviate the diftreffes of the poor. He would himself make every effort for that purpose.

He

Mr. W. Bird thought it little better than a mockery to find the noble lord, Hawkesbury, in the name of the committee, merely recommending the ufe of ftale bread, and that the rich should not diftribute their charity to the poor in bread. For his part, it was not the poor whom he wished to fee deprived of the ufe of bread, but would rather recommend a faving in that article to the rich, who abounded in va rious fuperfluities. Let the rich but deny themfelves this fupply for a month or two, and they would ferve the poor effectually, and bring down the bleffings of thoufands upon them.

In the converfation that was continued on this fubject, Mr. Sylvester Douglas illuftrated the propriety of the conduct of the committee, of the tenth of February, of which he was [K 2] a member,