excite the compassion of his enemies. He entreated for peace, but in vain; the allies carried all before them, and his very capital began to dread the approach of the conquerors. What neither his power, his armies, nor his politics could affect, was brought about by a party in England. The dissension between the Whigs and Tories in England saved France, now tottering on the brink of ruin,

CHAPTER XVII.

ANNE. (CONTINUED.)

A. D. 1706-1707.

THE Councils of the queen had hitherto been governed by a Whig ministry; for, though the duke of Marlborough had first started in the Tory interest, he soon joined the opposite faction, as he found them most sincere in their desires to humble the power of France. The Whigs still pursued the schemes of the late king; and, impressed with a republican spirit of liberty, strove to humble despotism in every part of Europe. In a government where the reasoning of individuals, retired from power, generally leads those who command, the designs of the ministry must alter as the people happen to change. The people, in fact, were beginning to change. The queen's personal virtues. her successes, her deference for the clergy, and, in turn, their great veneration for her, began to have a prevailing influence over the whole nation. The people of every rank were not ashamed to defend the most servile tenets, when they tended to flatter or increase the power of the sovereign. They argued in favour of strict hereditary succession, divine right, and non-resistance to the regal power. The spirit of Toryism began to prevail; and the Whigs, who had raised the queen into greatness, were the first that were likely to fall by their

Own success.

The Tories, though joining in vigorous measures against the king of France, were, however, never ardently his enemies ; they rather secretly hated the Dutch, as of principles very

A. D.

opposite to their own, and only longed for an opportunity of withdrawing from their friendship. They began to meditate schemes of opposition to the duke of Marlborough. They were taught to regard him as a self-interested man, who sacrificed the real advantages of the nation, in protracting a ruinous war, for his own private emolument and glory. They saw their country oppressed by an increasing load of taxes, which, by a continuance of the war, must inevitably become an intolerable burthen. Their secret discontents, therefore, began to spread; and the Tories wanted only a few determined leaders to conduct them in removing the present ministry. In the mean time, a pause of victory, or rather a succession of losses, began to dissipate the conquering phrensy 1707. which had seized the nation, and inclined them to wish for peace. The army under Charles in Spain was then commanded by the lord Galway This nobleman, having received intelligence that the French and Spaniards, under the command of the duke of Berwick, were posted near the town of Almanza, advanced thither to give them battle. The conflict began about two in the afternoon, and the whole front of each army was fully engaged. The centre, consisting chiefly of battalions from Great Britain and Holland, seemed at first victorious; but the Portuguese horse, (by whom they were supported,) betaking themselves to flight on the first charge, the other troops were flanked and surrounded. In this dreadful emergency they formed themselves into a square, and retired to an eminence, where, being ignorant of the country, and destitute of all supplies, they were obliged to surrender prisoners of war, to the number of five thousand men. This victory was complete and decisive; and all Spain, except the province of Catalonia, submitted to Philip.

An attempt was made upon Toulon by the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene by land, and the English fleet by sea, but with as little success as in the former instance. The prince, with a body of thirty thousand men, took possession of the eminences that commanded the city, while the fleet attacked and reduced two forts at the entrance of the mole. But the French king sending an army to the relief of the place, and the duke of Savoy perceiving no hopes of compelling the city to a speedy surrender, he resolved to abandon his enterprise

and, having embarked his artillery, he retreated by night without any molestation.

The fleet under sir Cloudesly Shovel was still more unfortunate. Having set sail for England, and being in soundings on the twenty-second day of October, about eight at night a violent storm arising, his ship was dashed upon the rocks of Scilly, and every soul on board perished. The like fate befell three ships more, while three or four others were saved with the utmost difficulty. The admiral's body, being cast ashore, was stripped and buried in the sand; but this being thought too humble a funeral for so brave a commander, it was dug up again, and interred with proper solemnity in Westminsterabbey.

Nor were the allies more prosperous on the Upper Rhine. Marshal Villars, the French general, carried all before him, and was upon the point of restoring the elector of Bavaria. The only hopes of the people lay in the activity and conduct of the duke of Marlborough, who opened the campaign in the Netherlands about the middle of May. But even here they were disappointed, as in all the rest. That general, either really willing to protract the war, or receiving intelligence that the French army was superior in numbers, declined an engagement, and rather endeavoured to secure himself than annoy the enemy. Thus, after several marchings and countermarchings, which it would be tedious to relate, both armies retired into winter-quarters at the latter end of October. The French made preparations for the next campaign with recruited vigour. The duke of Marlborough returned to England, to meet with a reception which he did not at all expect.

Previous to the disgrace of the Whig ministry, whose fall was now hastening, a measure of the greatest importance took place in parliament; a measure that had been wished by many, but thought too difficult for execution. What I mean is, the union between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland; which, though they had been governed by one sovereign since the accession of James the First, were still ruled by their respective parliaments, aud often professed to pursue opposite interests and different designs. An union of both parliaments was at one time passionately desired by James. King Charles his son, took some steps to effect this measure; but some ap

parently insurmountable objections lay in the way. This great task was reserved for queen Anne to accomplish, at a time when both nations were in good humour at their late successes, and the queen's title and administration were admitted and approved by all.

The attempt for an union was begun at the commencement of this reign; but some disputes arising relative to the trade of the East, the conference was broken up, and it was thought that an adjustment would be impossible. It was revived by an act of each parliament, granting power to commissioners named on the part of both nations, to treat of the preliminary articles of an union, which should afterwards undergo a more thorough discussion by the legislative body of both kingdoms. The choice of these commissioners was left to the queen; and she took care that none should be employed but such as heartily wished to promote so desirable a measure.

Accordingly, the queen having appointed commissioners on both sides, they met in the council-chamber of the Cock-pit, near Whitehall, which was the place appointed for their conferences. Their commissions being opened, and introductory speeches being pronounced by the lord-keeper of England and the lord-chancellor of Scotland, the conferences began. The Scottish commissioners were inclined to a federal union like that of the United Provinces; but the English were bent upon an incorporation, so that no Scottish parliament should ever have power to repeal the articles of the treaty. The lordkeeper Cowper proposed that the two kingdoms should be for ever united into one by the name of Great Britain; that it should be represented by one and the same parliament, and governed by the same hereditary monarch. The Scottish commissioners, on their side, insisted that the subjects of Scotland should for ever enjoy the same rights and privileges with those of England; and that all statutes, contrary to the tenour of these privileges in either kingdom, should be repealed. As the queen frequently exhorted the commissioners to despatch, the articles of this famous union were soon agreed to and signed by the commissioners; and it only remained to lay them before the parliaments of both nations.

In this treaty it was stipulated, that the succession to the united kingdoms should be vested in the house of Hanover;

that they should be represented by one and the same parliament; that all the subjects of Great Britain should enjoy a communication of privileges and advantages; that they should have the same allowances and privileges with respect to commerce and customs; that the laws concerning public right, civil government and policy, should be the same throughout the united kingdoms; but that no alteration should be made in laws which concerned private rights, except for the evident benefit of the subjects of Scotland; that the court of session, and all other courts of judicature in Scotland, should remain, as then constituted by the laws of that kingdom, with the same authority and privileges as before the union; that Scotland should be represented in the parliament of Great Britain by sixteen peers and forty-five commoners, to be elected in such a manner as should be settled by the present parliament of Scotland; that all peers of Scotland should be considered as peers of Great Britain, and rank immediately after the English peers of the like degrees at the time of the union, and before such as should be created after it; that they should enjoy all the privileges of English peers, except that of sitting and voting in parliament, or sitting upon the trial of peers; that all the insignia of royalty and government should remain as they were; that all laws and statutes in either kingdom, so far as they might be inconsistent with the terms of these articles, should cease, and be declared void by the respective parliaments of the two kingdoms. These were the principal articles of the union; and it only remained to obtain the sanction of the legislature of both kingdoms to give them authority; but this was a much more difficult undertaking than it was at first imagined to be. It was not only to be approved by the pårliament of Scotland, all the popular members of which were averse to the union, but it was also to pass through both houses in England, where it was not a little disagreeable, except to the ministry, who had proposed it.

The arguments in these different assemblies were suited to the audience. To induce the Scottish parliament to come into the measure, it was alleged by the ministry and their supporters, that an entire and perfect union would be the solid foundation of a lasting peace. It would secure their religion, liberty, and property, remove the animosities that prevailed