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English, dazzled by the lustre of his character, still more than by that of his victories, were reconciled to the defects in his title: the French almost forgot that he was an enemy: and his care in maintaining justice in his civil administration, and preserving discipline in his army, made some amends to both nations for the calamities inseparable from those wars in which his short reign was almost entirely occupied. That he could forgive the earl of Marche, who had a better title to the crown than himself, is a sure indication of his magnanimity; and that the earl relied so entirely on his friendship, is no less a proof of his established character for candour and sincerity. There remain in history few instances of such mutual trust; and still fewer where neither party found reason to repent it.

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The exterior figure of this great prince, as well as his deportment, was engaging. His stature was somewhat above the middle size; his countenance beautiful; his limbs genteel and slender, but full of vigour; and he excelled in all warlike and manly exercises. He left, by his queen, Catherine of France, only one son, not full nine months old; whose misfortunes, in the course of his life, surpassed all the glories and successes of his father.

In less than two months after Henry's death, Charles VI. of France, his father-in-law, terminated his unhappy life. He had, for several years, possessed only the appearance of royal authority; yet was this mere appearance of considerable advantage to the English; and divided the duty and affections of the French between them and the dauphin. This prince was proclaimed and crowned king of France at Poictiers, by the name of Charles VII. Rheims, the place where this ceremony is usually performed, was at that time in the hands of his enemies.

Catherine of France, Henry's widow, married, soon

i T. Livii, p. 4.

after his death, a Welsh gentleman, sir Owen Tudor, said to be descended from the ancient princes of that country she bore him two sons, Edmund and Jasper, of whom the eldest was created earl of Richmond; the second, earl of Pembroke. The family of Tudor, first raised to distinction by this alliance, mounted afterward the throne of England.

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The long schism, which had divided the Latin church for near forty years, was finally termitions. nated in this reign by the council of Constance; which deposed the pope, John XXIII. for his crimes, and elected Martin V. in his place, who was acknowledged by almost all the kingdoms of Europe. This great and unusual act of authority in the council gave the Roman pontiffs ever after a mortal antipathy to those assemblies. The same jealousy which had long prevailed in most European countries, between the civil aristocracy and monarchy, now also took place between these powers in the ecclesiastical body. But the great separation of the bishops in the several states, and the difficulty of assembling them, gave the pope a mighty advantage, and made it more easy for him to centre all the powers of the hierarchy in his own person. The cruelty and treachery which attended the punishment of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, the unhappy disciples of Wickliffe, who, in violation of a safe-conduct, were burned alive for their errors by the council of Constance, proves this melancholy truth, that toleration is none of the virtues of priests in any form of ecclesiastical government. But as the English nation had little or no concern in these great transactions, we are here the more concise in relating them.

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The first commission of array which we meet with, was issued in this reign. The military part of the feudal system, which was the most essential circumstance of it, was entirely dissolved; and could no longer

Rymer, vol. 9. p. 254, 255.

serve for the defence of the kingdom.

Henry, there

fore, when he went to France in 1415, empowered certain commissioners to take, in each county, a review of all the freemen able to bear arms, to divide them into companies, and to keep them in readiness for resisting an enemy. This was the era when the feudal militia in England gave place to one which was perhaps still less orderly and regular.

We have an authentic and exact account of the ordinary revenue of the crown during this reign; and it amounts only to 55,7147. 10s. 10d. a year.' This is nearly the same with the revenue of Henry III. and the kings of England had neither become much richer nor poorer in the course of so many years. The ordinary expense of the government amounted to 42,5077. 16s. 10d. so that the king had a surplus only of 13,2067. 14s. for the support of his household; for his wardrobe; for the expense of embassies; and other articles. This sum was nowise sufficient; he was therefore obliged to have frequent recourse to parliamentary supplies, and, was thus, even in time of peace, not altogether independent of his people. But wars were attended with a great expense, which neither the prince's ordinary revenue, nor the extraordinary supplies, were able to bear; and the sovereign was always reduced to many miserable shifts, in order to make any tolerable figure in them. He commonly borrowed money from all quarters; he pawned his jewels, and sometimes the crown itself; m he ran in arrears to his army; and he was often obliged, notwithstanding all these expedients, to stop in the midst of his career of victory, and to grant truces to the enemy. The high pay which was given to soldiers agreed very ill with this low income. All the extraordinary supplies granted by parliament to Henry, during the course of his reign, were only seven-tenths and fifteenths, about 203,000/." It is easy to compute how soon this

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must be exhausted by armies of twenty-four thousand archers, and six thousand horse; when each archer had sixpence a day, and each horseman two shillings. The most splendid successes proved commonly fruitless, when supported by so poor a revenue; and the debts and difficulties which the king thereby incurred, made him pay dear for his victories. The civil administration likewise, even in time of peace, could never be very regular, where the government was so ill enabled to support itself. Henry, till within a year of his death, owned debts which he had contracted when prince of Wales. It was in vain that the parliament pretended to restrain him from arbitrary practices, when he was reduced to such necessities. Though the right of levying purveyance, for instance, had been expressly guarded against by the Great Charter itself, and was frequently complained of by the commons, it was found absolutely impracticable to abolish it; and the parliament at length, submitting to it as a legal prerogative, contented themselves with enacting laws to limit and confine it. The duke of Gloucester, in the reign of Richard II. possessed a revenue of sixty thousand crowns (about 30,000l. a year of our present money), as we learn from Froissard, and was, consequently, richer than the king himself, if all circumstances be duly considered.

It is remarkable, that the city of Calais alone was an annual expense to the crown of 19,1197. that is, above a third of the common charge of the government in time of peace. The fortress was of no use to the defence of England, and only gave that kingdom an inlet to annoy France. Ireland cost 2,000l. a year, over and above its own revenue; which was certainly very low. Every thing conspires to give us a very mean idea of the state of Europe in those ages.

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It appears from many passages of Rymer, particularly vol. 9. p. 258, that the king paid twenty marks a year for an archer, which is a good deal above sixpence a day. The price had risen, as is natural, by raising the denomination of money P Rymer, vol. 10. p. 114. 9 Liv. 4. chap. 86. Rymer, vol. 10, p. 113

From the most early times, till the reign of Edward III. the denomination of money had never been altered; a pound sterling was still a pound troy; that is, about three pounds of our present money. That conqueror was the first that innovated in this important article." In the twentieth of his reign he coined twenty-two shillings from a pound troy; in his twenty-seventh year he coined twenty-five shillings. But Henry V., who was also a conqueror, raised still farther the denomination, and coined thirty shillings from a pound troy; his revenue, therefore, must have been about 110,000l. of our present money; and, by the cheapness of provisions, was equivalent to above 330,000%.

None of the princes of the house of Lancaster ventured to impose taxes without consent of parliament; their doubtful or bad title became so far of advantage to the constitution. The rule was then fixed, and could not safely be broken afterward, even by more absolute princes.

CHAP. XX.

HENRY VI.

Government during the minority-State of France-Military operations-Battle of Verneuil-Siege of Orleans-The maid of Orleans-The siege of Orleans raised-The king of France crowned at Rheims-Prudence of the duke of Bedford-Execution of the maid of Orleans-Defection of the duke of Burgundy-Death of the duke of Bedford--Decline of the English in France-Truce with France-Marriage of the king with Margaret of Anjou-Murder of the duke of Gloucester-State of France-Renewal of the war with France-The English expelled France.

ing the

Govern DURING the reigns of the Lancastrian princes, ment dur- the authority of parliament seems to have been minority. more confirmed, and the privileges of the people more regarded, than during any former period; and the

s Fleetwood's Chron. Preciosum, p. 52.

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