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not every one of them justify his Majesty's Ministers in going to war? How stands the case as to Switzerland? Were his Majesty's Ministers indifferent? Did they behold with apathy the independence and liberty of that brave but 'ill-fated people trampled upon ? No: they send a confidential agent, who interposes and interests himself as much as the circumstances of the case would admit; but because complete success did not attend his mission, are Ministers to be charged with incapacity to discharge the high truft reposed in them? But if Bonaparte be deemed arrogant, fo is England: he meant not to become his apologist, and he hoped this country would be long charged with that species of arrogance. It was by afferting our rights and supremacy at sea, that we grew to be the envy of the world. As to Malta, he considered the poffeffion of it so efTentially necessary to the existence of our commercial greatness and independence, that he thought it could not be given up on any account. Ministers are also charged with having submitted to insults, and forborne to remonstrate with firmness againft the conduct of France to Holland. But this is unfounded; for it is well known that their forbearance was at the instance of Holland itself. They are likewise charged with abandoning the unfortunate Swiss. What could England do alone in such a contest? The powers of the continent refused to interfere ; and is their criminal indifference chargeable in this House as a crime to his Majesty's Minillers ? As to infulis, he would state it as a cause of exultation to himself, that the Firft Consul had spoken of the freedom of our press, and found himself at lengih constrained to recur to ihe judicial decisions of the country. And as to Sebastiani, he thought that if the French Government chose to deny the object of his miffion, the Government, this House, and the country, were abundantly satisfied, and could not feel any longer an insult upon this point. He concluded with observing, that hon. Members substituting affertions for facts, and their private opinions for official papers, they could not expect the support of the House.

Mr. Archdale professed his approbation of the conduct of Ministers through the whole negotiations. He thought they had been throughout animated with a sincere desire to preserve the peace, consistent with the honour and the interests of the country. He earnestly recommended unanimity at so important a crisis, and was happy to see a determination ap: pearing to drop all party differences and diftra&ions. He

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congratulated the House on the important improvement which had taken place in the temper and disposition of the people of Ireland." The conduct of the First Consul had opened ihe eyes of the deluded, and all ranks now detested him as the common enemy of the independence and the liberty of man. kind. Even at Belfalt, if he should dare to make his appear. ance, he would meet with a very warm reception from the well-affected from principle; and from some of our Jacobins from revenge. [A laugh.] The hon. Member concluded by enforcing his recommendation to unanimiry.

Mr. C. Wynne condemned Ministers strongly, for deluding the nation with hopes of peace, when every act of the French Government manifested a hostile and dangerous spirit, which rendered any hope of continued peace absurd. He was warmly in favour of the motion.

• Mr. Courtenay expressed himself willing to join issue with those who supposed the aggreffions of France had forced the country into a war. At the same time he approved of the plan of the hon. Gentleman (Archdale) who wished to reconcile all parties. He considered the new oppofiriongo be respectable and enlightened, because they supported the war after condemning the peace, as it argued a meritorious conlistency. He was followed by another hon. Gentleman, whose argument put him in mind of a lage legislator of old, Hippocrates: he says, if a broken leg in ihe setting becomes crooked and distoried, the only way to regain is original beauty is by breaking it again. So Ministers had done with the Treaty of Amiens, and it was left to the House to contemplate the skill and prudence with which the case would be managed. He had just said so much by way of saying something, and Mould lit down with one observation, namely, as that he had nothing more to say."

Sir W. Milner thought that the present motions were di. ret attacks against his Majesty's Administration, while, in his opinion, those who composed that Administrarion were men who had deserved the approbation of the country. He approved of their couduct in every instance, and thought they had acted properly, in the manner they had followed, in order to get the better of the pallions of a man who was so actuated by pride and ambition, as the First Consul certainly was. If any fault could at all be assigned to them, it must be, that they had not gone far enough in their endeavours; for in bis opinion we should not have valued any of the infulis and indignities which had been offered to this coumry; if peace

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was to be the consequence.” In his opinion, the present Administration had plainly shewn to the country, that they liked their conftitution.

Sir T. Theophilus Metcalf thought the motion pernicious in itself, and particularly inexpedieni, at a time when ùnanimity was so delirable. It might give information to the enemy [a cry of hear, from Mr. Windham and his friends, and unhinge the spirit of the country at home. He paid the right hon. Gentleman at the head of his Majesty's councils some very warm compliments. He had loft an honourable situation, where he was universally beloved and respected, and accepting of the commands of his Sovereign, had taken on himlelt the ma. dagement of affairs at a very difficult crisis. Through that crilis he had conducted the country with honour. He had given us peace when it was infinitely desirable. He had used every means to preserve it, and now that the ambition of the enemy had forced us to renew the war, he trusted that he would condud it with ability and success. He was certain he stood high in the confidence of the country, and thought that his conduct, and the conduct of his colleagues, deserved praise instead of being exposed to censure.

Mr. Gregor considered the resolutions as necessary, in order to investigate the conduct of Ministers : if the conduet of France has been a system of oppression and infult to this country, he was astonished we should have given up any of our conquefts, which now would be of the utmost importance to us, or disembody our military and naval force. This did not argue much policy on the part of the Minister, and, therefore, he did not see but the House were justified in making it the subject of remark.

Mr. Burland assured the House, that the people were so well fatisfied with peace, that Mr. Pitt could not have carried on the war another year; and, from being a magistrate of a very populous neighbourhood, he had an opportunity of knowing the sentiments of the people, who considered the peace as a bleffing to them.

Mr. T. Grenville then rose and said, before he offered himself to the attention of the House, he had been anxious to hear from Ministers some answer in justification of their conduct, which had on this and various other occafions been so powerfully affailed. Perceiving, however, that the ex. pectation of receiving this explanation, on which he wished to found what he had to fubniit on the subject of the reso. lucion moyed by his hon. Friend was vain, he should now

bog beg leave to folicit the attention of the House, while he on, deavoured to state, with as inuch brevity as possible, the reasons on which he felt it his duty, as an independent mem. ber of Parliament, to give his decided support to these reso. lutions. He expressed bis unwillingnets to offer many ob. servations on the objections which had been adduced by most of the Members who had spoken that night. He was ftill less willing to detain the attention of the House by replying to false, malicious, and unfounded infinuations, which had been thrown out in certain quarters against those Gentlemen who, from confiderations of public duty, were determined to support the resolutions which had been proposed by the hon. Member who began the difcuffion. The motion had been ascribed to mean contiderations of party spirit ; to the merc with of one set of Gentlemen to drive others from confidential situations under Government, with the view of occupying their places. For himself he must most unequivocally reprobate such infinuations, and he would not so far forget what he owed to the House and to his own character, as make them the subject of any greater length of animadversion. But having adverted to this objection, he had only to say a few words to the only other which had been adduced in the course of the discussion. It had been argued that the present was not the time for bringing forward resolutions of the nature which had that evening been submitted to the House. This country was now engaged in a contest where unanimity among all ranks and orders in the State was of the highest importance, and when, consequently, it was highly to be wilhed for that no discuss fion might be provoked which might have the appearance of a wilh to disturb this unanimity. Of all the pollible ob. jections which could be urged, he had no difficulty in faying that he confidered this as one of the moft extraordinary. He could hardly bring himself to believe that that evening he had heard it gravely stated by an hon. Member on thc other fide (Sir T. Metcalf), that by agreeing to the resolutions, or, even by pressing the discussion, information might be conveyed to the enemy. It was not very easy to see what was the species of information to which the hon. Member, alluded. For himself, he had no sort of difficulty in saying, that a principal object which he had in view by supporting the resolutions, was to convey both to the enemy and to the people of this country information wliich, at a crisis like the prelent, was in all points of view fo important. He

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was anxious that, at a moment when we were engaged in a contest more trying and more hazardous, in a contest in which great exertions and great facrifices would be more powerfully required than in any former struggle in which the country was ever engaged, that an inquiry thould be instituted into the capacity of those who were to direct the application of the national resources, and the national strength; to ascertain whether the battle which was to be fought would be fought with proportionate energy and courage; to see that every department of the public service was properly administered; to take care, that if the country was io submit to extraordinary facrifices, the exertions which were made were directed by those to whom all ought to look up with confidence. In this sense he certainly wished that the enemy and the people of Great Britain should he put in possession of that, which it was the object of the refolutions to procure. Having faid this, he would not pretend to deny that the object of the resolutions was to call in question the conduct of Ministers throughout the whole of the negotiations and discussions - which had taken place between the two Governments, from the time that the definitive treaty of peace was concluded. To have a full and fair view of this subject it would, however, be in the first place necessary, briefly to advert to the Situation of the country at the time when the treaty was concluded. By the 2d of the resolutions it was declared, that Ministers had not made to Parliament such full and ample communications as could lead to any estimate of the real situation of the country, and therefore the House was debarred of the constitutional right of giving any opinion on the state of public affairs. A difpofition had been manifested to lay a great deal of stress on particular expressions. He was not at any time disposed to question the words which gentlemen themselves were disinclined to disavow, but he would contend that it was perfectly parliamentary to draw an inference from the general spirit and complexion of the language employed by those in official situations, which gave to that language a degree

of weight and consequence which it did not otherwise poffefs; which was the foundation of important conclusions, and which was consequently in all cales more narrowly canvassed. He was desirous, therefore, of distinctly recollecting and stating to the House the views and expectations which had been held out at the time of the fignature of the definitive treaty. He could not better explain what those views and expectations were at that period,

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