the spirit of the people; but it is the language of one who would fay to them-you have little to hope for; your danger is great, and you will hardly efcape it. This is the fame kind of language which he has held on former occafions. I certainly am far from thinking, that the right hon. Gentleman, or those who think with him, are actuated by bad motives in what they do; I am fure that no man poffeffes more of a true English fpirit than that right hon. Gentleman. But if the tendency of his obfervations be to difhearten the people, instead of ftimulating to exertion, they have the fame effect as if their motives were fuch, as I do not confider them to be. The whole of the mode in which he has treated this fubject, is fuch, as to make men believe that nothing has been done to rouse the country to active exertion. With regard to the measures, the adoption of which has been frequently recommended for the defence of the country, it is very eafy for different perfons to recommend different plans; and he who appears to outftrip another in bidding, who will go fartheft in his ideas of the fubject, is fuppofed to be right; but this principle I deny, both in theory and in practice: "for if we fhould adopt measures that are too large, extenfive, and complicated, we may run the risk of having none at all. I believe, that in all fuch cases, it is the wifeft courfe to proceed gradually, and not to propofe any expedient too haftily. The hon. Gentleman charges his Majesty's Minifters with a general remiffness and inattention in all those measures that were neceffary to be adopted for the defence of the country. I wish the House would examine this charge, and fee whether it is well founded or not. I do not with to dwell upon what has been done during the late peace, but the right hon. Gentleman and the Houfe must know, that during that period a much greater number of feamen was kept on foot, and a much greater military establishment, than ever there had been in this country during any former period of peace; infomuch, indeed, that its extent has excited the difapprobation of many great authorities in this House, on the ground of its experce, although it has been ftrongly complained of by the right hon. Gentleman and his friends as inadequate. The injuftice, however, of this complaint, like many other complaints from the fame quarter, is manifeft from this circumftance, that not one foldier has been disbanded from the time peace was concluded till the recommencement of the war, who was not enlifted for a limited period, and the terms of whofe enliftment of course required his difcharge; or elfe where troops

were

So much as to

were only engaged to ferve during the war. former cenfures, repeated this evening. As to the prefent tate of the military force, I maintain, that with respect to the quantity or quality of our troops, they are much more formidable than at any period that could be quoted; are more fo than at the end of the year 1797, or in the beginning of the year 1798, when the danger of invafion was not lefs imminent than it can be confidered at prefent, nor at a time when the country was engaged in a war not only with France, Holland, and Spain, but with the Northern Confederacy. In addition to this comparifon, fo favourable to our prefent fituation, and fo demonftrative of the activity and precaution of his Majesty's Minifters, it ought to be taken into account, that we are only how in the first year of war, and that after any peace, however fhort or advantageous, it is always found impoffible for any Government immediately to mount up to a ftate of preparation fuited to the circumstances. Making, then, all the allowances which it is fair and reasonable to claim, I contend that we had a larger and better difciplined body of regular troops fit for fervice than under fimilar circumstances the country ever witneffed. I difdain any wish, in making this comparison, to provoke a difcuffion or detail as to the conduct of Minifters on the state of preparation at particular periods, but merely with the view of replying to the affertions of the right hon. Gentleman, and of fhewing that we are not only fully competent to the defence of the country from invafion, but when that danger thall cease, our force is alfo competent to foreign operations. The right hon. Gentleman has in the courfe of his fpeech taken occafion to allude to letters which have been addreffed to the Lords Lieutenants of the feveral counties, but the right hon. Gentleman's charges upon that point will be beft answered by fimply faying, that thofe letters were fent by Government in confequence of a measure fanctioned by the approbation of Parliament; and that, in the preparatory arrangements, thefe letters were deemed effentially neceffary. The right hon. Gentleman has objected to the mode of electing officers which the meafure before the Houfe prefcribes; but he ought to have remembered, that the principle of fuch ap pointments is precifely that which has been adopted and acted upon during the laft war, and although the officers are to be chufen by the men, yet they are not to receive their commiffions unless recommended to his Majefty by the Lords Lieutenants of counties. The right hon. Gentleman's objections 4 C 2

to

to this meafure, on the ground that it is of a compulsory nature, are rather fingular, when his former declarations are confidered, in which he generally called out for compulsory measures, if neceffary, to arm the country; and, indeed, whatever doubts might prevail upon the juftice or policy of attempting a compulfory levy for any purpose of foreign operations, no doubt can exift as to the propriety of enforcing it, fhould neceffity demand it for our internal defence. But the right hon. Gentleman afks, why not rely on the voluntary offers of the people? although upon every occafion he complained that Government did not come forward to urge the people to arm-to rouze them to exertion With regard, however, to the meafure before the Houfe, it is not intended to attempt any thing compulfory, unlefs where the voluntary offers are not made, and unless they do not promife to be effectual towards the object. As to the general principle of this bill, I think it the most unobjectionable that could be devifed-the most congenial to the spirit of the conftitution, the leaft difagreeable to the habits and feelings of the people, and the most likely to answer the main view. To the mode of proceeding, which Government has thought proper to purfue for the purpose of putting the country in a formidable pofture, I feel confident, that upon a candid confideration no found objection can be made. We have brought meafures forward feparately, each at the convenient time; and I fubmit to the good fenfe of the Houfe whether a contrary courfe, namely, the propofition of ali of them together, even if matured, might not tend to delay and prejudice the practical accomplishment of them, and endanger the fuccefs of the object. I am aware that it is the opinion of fome very respectable members that the meafure now under confideration ought to have been laid before the Houfe much fooner-that it ought to have preceded thofe which regard the arrangement of a more regular force; but firmly believe, that had this 'idea been acted upon, it would have been extremely difficult indeed to profecute the ballot for the army of referve, or to carry into effect, with the neceffary facilities, the previous ballot for the militia. From thefe confiderations I am of opinion, that it was much wifer the feveral measures alluded to were not fuffered to follow each other more rapidly than we contrived. That an invasion may be attempted, and may poffibly fucceed for a fhort time, I will not deny; but I do deny that the capture of London, or any other place, would decide the illue of it; for as long as there remained an acre of

English ground, on that spot of ground the people of this country would fight the enemy. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman, that in cafe of being unfuccefsful, inafmuch as we have been great, true, wealthy, and powerful, in the fame proportion would be the extent of the evil we should fuffer. I always felt this, and I feel it to this moment; but I am not to fuppofe that thofe who have enjoyed freedom and profperity, would become flaves, without being the wort of flaves. This idea gives me reafon to form the best hopes from the fpirit of the people in preferving their country. This principle has been proved to be true externally, and it must be fo internally; for in every war in which we were engaged with a foreign enemy, we always came off with honour and glory. If it fhould ever be our fate to bow down to a foreign enemy, our fate would then be worse than any other country which had ever fallen under the fubjection of that enemy; for our degradation. and ruin would be in proportion to our former greatness, glory, and fuccefs. I do not blame thofe gentlemen who feel and fee the danger beyond what it really is; but there are certain bounds, to which the apprehenfion of that danger fhould be limited; otherwife it may be exaggerated to fuch an extent, as to be productive of more harm than good. The right hon. Gentleman has alluded to a fpeech of an hon. Baronet (Sir W. Efkine). I heard that fpeech with a great deal of fatisfaction, and am convinced that his opinions have been confirmed by experience and practice. I must again repeat, that it would be highly prejudicial to the country if the feeling of our danger were advanced to fuch an extent as to damp the fpirit of the country.

Mr. Windham, in explanation, flated that his objections, to the meature applied rather to the mode of railing the people en maffe, than to the principle of fuch a propofition.

Sir Francis Burdett-The beft, and, in my judgment. the only effectual scheme of defence which can be devised for the country at this crifis, may be comprifed in one measure, namely, a repeal of all the acts applying to conftitution 1 topics, which have been paffed fince the acceffion of the prefent King to the throne, and then you may rationally hope to roufe the ancient enthufiafm of the people, and furnith them with real motives to fight for the bleflings of couftitutional freedom and perfonal fecurity.

Mr. Pit. I feel fincerely happy that this measure has been at length brought before the Houfe, as it affords a prospect

profpect of that vigour which is neceffary in the prefent conjuncture. I approve of its principle and object. It indeed is founded on the principles of the plan, which, unconnected as I am with his Majefty's Government, I have thought it my duty to intimate to Minilters. I have been always decidedly of opinion that fuch a measure was effentially neceffary, in addition to our regular force, in order to put the question as to our domeftic fecurity entirely beyond all doubt. I am not now difpofed, because indeed I do not think it neceffary, to enter into any inveftigation of the degree of danger which the country has to apprehend, though I am aware it is material that the danger fhould not be underrated. But to return to the measure before the House - rejoice in its introduction as the most congenial in its fpirit to the conflitution of this country, and in its execution not at all likely to meet any obstacle from the character or difpofition of the people. In is Atructure there is nothing new to our hiftory; in its tendency there is nothing ungrateful to our habits; it embraces the interefts, it avails itfelf of the energies, and it promifes to etablish the fecurity of the country. It impofes no burthens, nor does it propofe any arrangement of which it can be in the power of any clafs of the community to complain. Its object is the fafety of all, without containing any thing in its provisions offenfive to any. It is perfectly agreeable to the best inftitutions of civilized fociety, and has for its bafis the rudiments of our conftitutional hiftory. It is obvious, that unless we make efforts adequate to the crifis in which we are placed, the country is infecure, and if thofe efforts cannot be effe&tual without compulfion, I truft no man can entertain a doubt of the propriety of reforting to it; but I have a confident expectation that compulfion will be unneceffary; that the number of voluntary offers will be fufficient to obviate the neceffity of that difagreeable alternative. It is, however, an alternative of which I hope no man will difapprove thould the neceflity arife, and leaft of all my right hon. Friend, who has not on a former occafion hefitated to recommend that compuifion. By his Majesty's prerogative he has it in his power, at any time that the country is threatened with invation, to call out all his fubjects for its defence ; and the object of the measure before the Houfe is, that the people when called out fhould be prepared to fecond his views-fhould be trained to military evolutions-fhould be ready to act with promptitude in any quarter where their

fervices