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have only held back from the immediate acceptance of thole patriotic offers, from a fear of crippling and obstructing the raising of the army of referve. Farbc it from me to say any thing that may in the flightest degree feem to undervalue the voluntary Services of thote who wish to lep forward in the defence of their country; yet, situated as these corps are, and ever have been, from the moment of their being raited, they are certainly inferior in point of real and ellential service to the army of reserve; which, therefore, I contend, ought, on every account, to have preceded the force which is meant to be raised by the present measure. With respect to the volunteer force, no man can have a higher opinion than I lave of its efficient strength in buil countries; I speak more particularly of that part of the United Einpire to which I am particularly attached-! mean Ireland, in which, from the best information that I can collect, there are not less than 60,000 men of this defcription; and I will venture to say, that there cannot be produced a more efficient force, short, I mean, of the regular army, than the yeomanry force in the province of Ulster. I speak on this head particularly, only fo far as relates to Ireland; but I understand that in Scotland also, the forces of that description are both numerous and greatly to be depended upon. The great object of this measure is, to fecure the benefit of those which have been antecedently adopted. Parliament has already given Government a power of raising the greatest possible difpofable force, and especially of that of volunteers. But what is, the ground of policy on which this mcasure refts? Volunteer forces have been found extremely expensive; and in the prefent situation of the country, it is very necessary, and will be highly beneficial to its interests, to have an aid that will not coft so much. One great advantage attendant on the prefent measure is, that it introduces nothing new into the military system of the country. The prerogative of the Crown on this head is universally known, and undeniable; but at the same time, is not, as it at present ftands, effectual. Coercion, in certain cases of extreme danger, may be neceffary; and if coercion can be wife, it must be by making those measures to which it is applied, effe&ual. How is this to be done in the present case? It cannot be by indiétment; for that mode of proceeding would be infinitely too flow and tedious to answer any of the ends proposed to bewbtained by it, towards carrying into effect the present measure. Unless, therefore, a special power of previous


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instruction and arrangement should be given to the Crown, with a summary mode of punishment suitable to the exigency of the case, it will be impossible that the power of the prerogative could be of any avail in the present inftance. I beg the House to look forward to the practical utility of the measure, and not run away with the idea that it is to arm the mass of the people, for the fole purpose of making it an army to act in one concerted body, fimilar to that of the regular army or the army of reserve. merely intended to enable Government to cover such parts of the country as thould stand in particular need of assistance, by calling on thofe whole situation placed them nearest to the points of attack, to which it might be peculiarly necefsary to dispatch iminediate aid and assistance. There is another idea, also, which I should be forry should go abroad into the country, which is, that every individual who is enrolled is to be armed: it is no such thing. All the prelent measure profesies is, instruction. The whole is a mere system of initruction; to be armed on emergency, in order to call on persons most conveniently situated to de. fend those parts which may most stand in need of it; and the great utility that is to be expected from it is, that it furnithes the Crown with additional means of waking men to a due sense of their duty. There is one point, Sir, on which I beg leave to make a single observation, and that is, with regard to the election of officers. I believe this has been, in fome meafure, misunderstood by the right hon. Gentle man over the way (Mr. Windham); the recommendation by the companies of the officers they would wish to choose, is nearly upon the fanie footing as that contained in the act for the defence of the realm, which was passed during the late war. But those officers so cholen, must have the approbation of the Crown, and therefore are by no means calculated to introduce any new fyftem into the service, which may endanger its subordination. I beg pardon for having detained the House fo long; but I thought it necelsary to shew iny own impressions, and the feelings I have upon this subject. They certainly differ very widely from those of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Windham), and though I am convinced, that no honourable Member can have a stronger attachment than that right hon. Gentleman, to every thing which affeets the honour, welfare, and in terest of his country, yet there seems on the subject to he no other feeling in his mind, than an unqualified attachment to regular troops, which makes him behold all others with a jaundiced eye. I am convinced, however, that Iris mode would not be so effentially serviceable to the interests of the country; and for this reason I have been a ftrenuous advocate for raising the army of reserve, and am equally fo for the adoption of the present measure, as that which will be most likely to serve most effentially the safety of the kingdom.

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Mr. Fox said, Sir, I shall not trouble the House at any great lengih; more especially as the present measure will have my hearty concurrence. This is the first time that I have made my appearance in the House for some weeks palt; and I am by no means a shamed to state my reasons for having so long absented myself. Having already assigned my reasons for not approving of the present war, I did not wish to oppose those ineasures which must of course be necessary for carrying it on with effect. Every one knows the obloquy which was attached to measures of that nature ; and I was desirous of avoiding the imputation of intending to obstruct the measures of Government, or to embarrass his Majesty's Ministers. This is the first measure which I could, consistently with my own opinion, come down to support, being a measure for the defence of the country. I could not have voted for the taxes, nor for many of the other measures which have been already adopted ; but, Sir, I came 10 vote for this measure, on the ground that it was a measure directly opposite to that which the noble Lord says it is. The noble Lord lays, that the right hun. Gentlenian (Mr. Windham) looks with a jaundiced eye on every other than a regular force. I think quite the reverse.

I think quite the reverse. The honourable Gentleman says, there are two kinds of force (and I agree with him) which ought to be kept up, and particularly al. tended to, in a country which is invaded. We ought to have a regular and disciplined army; that is, as great an army, and as well disciplined, as ihe nature of circumstances will allow ; but I never understood him to say, indeed I am sure he could not say it, because he has studied the subject 100 minutely to say-that in case of an invasion, he would trust entirely to the efforts of a regular army. I hope that we Thall have an army in discipline, and alsó superior in officers; but are we then sure of victory? Has any man read in the most extensive researches into history, ancient and modern, that in war there was any certainty ? I believe at this time


of day, there are few men who know any thing of the na.
ture of invasion of one country by another, who ltand in need:
of so high an authority as that of Julius Cséfar to inform'
them that in such cases we must rely on evenis ; and as fuch,
it is impossible to suppose that the right hon. Gentleman
could rely for fecurity on the regular army only. That, like
the naval department, is liable to many viciffitudes, and
therefore, I am sure, the right hon. Gentleman, as well as
myself, would be very sorry if we had not other' re.
sources to recur to in case of any unforseen accident hap-
pening to those modes of defence. There is another force
which is less liable to objection, and which, however cala-
mitous events may turn out, we may look up ro with more
hope and satisfaction. When I say this, I am peculiarly
looking to, not the regular army; but the mass of the country,
ading not in single regiments, but as a great mass of
armed citizens, fighring for the preservation of their country,
their families, and every thing that is dear to them in life.
Let it not be supposed, Sir, that I have not the greatest re-
fpe&t for, or that I would say any thing that could convey
the finallest infinuation against the value and importance of
the regular army-I would wish to have as great and as good
a regular army as can poffibly be obrained. As to the mode
of railing it, I should certainly regret the neceility of raising
a regular arıny by compulsive means : but if it was not to be
got without, I will say, you must have it ; and in the hour
of neceffiry, I thould not scruple to use such means. The
question in such cases is not what it ought to be ; but we
will suppose that 'circumstances are so fituated, that all mea-
sures must be reforied to which the neceflity of the cafus
could require. The regular' army, therefore, is out of the
question in this case. There is another species of force,
and that is the militia, I will not go into a minute detail
of its construction or effect; but I have my doubts whether
it is not an anomalous fort of force, pariaking more of the
regular army than it ought to do, for the purposes of meie
defence. The militia and arny of reserve, therefore, I
view in the same light as the regular army; and I cannot
but believe on that account, that this measure is the belt cal-
culated for the defence of the kingdon, and to defeat the
Haring efforts of an invading enemy. He may have a great
regular arniy, composed of ihe bravest and beit disciplined
fuldiers; he may have officers of the first talents in their
profession, to direct their soldiers, and solvad them on to
Vol. IV. 1972-3.

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victory ; but he cannot have an armed mass of a country, who are bound by every feeling and by every rie to defend that country to the last drop of jheir blood, before they will give way to him and his invading forces. I am sorry to fay, Sir, this bill is not framed in the way I could have wished. I would have its operations to be' voluntary, and not compulsory. The noble Lord has mentioned volunteers; and that where in any districts volunteers come forward in any particular number, such districts should be relieved from the operation of this bill. I don't like the word relieved. would not have this measure thought a burthen by any one. It is certainly my warmest wish, that whateves ought to be done, may be done: but I would rather have the means voluntary, He who instructs himself, and goes, out at his Majesty's call, when the enemy lands, does no more than he is obliged to do by law. He may be compelled to go; and there is no merit in services of such a kind; on the contrary, I would with it to be a voluntary force, and that you should go round from house to house, to know who would be willing to go and serve their country in the hour of danger; and that those who agreed to go should bind themselves so to do, and should be immediately called forth, to be instructed as often as the circumstances of the case will allow. I am convinced, Sir, from that good fense which the people of this country posless, added to their love of their country, and the connexions they have in it, that there would not be five refusals in five hundred. You would then get the object of this bill; but in a way much more popular and more extensively bene. ficial to the country. li' has been said, “I won't compel one man to go into the army, in order that he may be instructed;" but this bill says, “I will compel a whole people to be instructed." I can easily believe a man may be compelled to go into the army or the navy, and may i hereby be made a good soldier or sailor; but I can never believe, that a whole people can be compelled to enter into any mode of instruction by which they may be enabled to defend their country, if such compulsion be altogether against their fentiments and inclinations. I will put the case of an invades coming into this country ;-I will not name any particular invader, but suppose he may be successful, because the people wished him success; whereas, if the people were in a great mass adverse to his coming into the couniry, and determnined to oppose him, it would be imposible that he could ever make any progress which could, or onghe to be alarming to

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