of day, there are few men who know any thing of the na ture of invafion of one country by another, who ftand in need of fo high an authority as that of Julius Cæfar to inform them that in fuch cafes we must rely on events; and as fuch, it is impoffible to fuppofe that the right hon. Gentleman could rely for fecurity on the regular army only. That, like the naval department, is liable to many viciffitudes, and therefore, I am fure, the right hon. Gentleman, as well as myself, would be very forry if we had not other refources to recur to in cafe of any unforfeen accident hap pening to thofe modes of defence. There is another force which is lefs liable to objection, and which, however calamitous events may turn out, we may look up to with more hope and fatisfaction. When I fay this, I am peculiarly looking to, not the regular army, but the mafs of the country; acting not in fingle regiments, but as a great mass of armed citizens, fighting for the prefervation of their country, their families, and every thing that is dear to them in life. Let it not be fuppofed, Sir, that I have not the greatest refpect for, or that I would fay any thing that could convey the fmalleft infinuation against the value and importance of the regular army-I would with to have as great and as good a regular army as can poffibly be obtained. As to the mode of raifing it, I thould certainly regret the neceflity of railing a regular army by compulfive means: but if it was not to be got without, I will fay, you must have it; and in the hour of neceffity, I thould not fcruple to use fuch means. The queftion in fuch cafes is not what it ought to he; but we will fuppofe that circumftances are fo fituated, that all meafures must be reforted to which the neceflity of the cafe could require. The regular army, therefore, is out of the queftion in this cafe. There is another fpecies of force, and that is the militia, I will not go into a minute detail of its construction or effect; but I have my doubts whether it is not an anomalous fort of force, partaking more of the regular army than it ought to do, for the purposes of mete defence. The militia and army of referve, therefore, I view in the fame light as the regular army; and I cannot but believe on that account, that this meafure is the best calculated for the defence of the kingdom, and to defeat the daring efforts of an invading enemy. He may have a great regular army, compofed of the braveft and best difciplined foldiers; he may have officers of the first talents in their profeffion, to direct their foldiers, and to lead them on to VOL. IV. 1822-3. 4 E victory.j

victory; but he cannot have an armed mafs of a country, who are bound by every feeling and by every tie to defend that country to the last drop of their blood, before they will give way to him and his invading forces. I am forry to fay, Sir, this bill is not framed in the way I could have wished. I would have its operations to be voluntary, and not compulfory. The noble Lord has mentioned volunteers; and that where in any districts volunteers come forward in any particular number, fuch districts fhould be relieved from the operation of this bill. I don't like the word relieved. I would not have this measure thought a burthen by any one. It is certainly my warmest wish, that whatever ought to be done, may be done but I would rather have the means voluntary, He who inftructs himself, and goes out at his Majefty's call, when the enemy lands, does no more than he is obliged to do by law. He may be compelled to go; and there is no merit in fervices of fuch a kind; on the contrary, I would with it to be a voluntary force, and that you should go round from houfe to houfe, to know who would be willing to go and serve their country in the hour of danger; and that those who agreed to go fhould bind themfelves fo to do, and fhould be immediately called forth, to be inftructed as often as the circumstances of the cafe will allow. I am convinced, Sir, from that good fenfe which the people of this country poffefs, added to their love of their country, and the connexions they have in it, that there would not be five refufals in five hundred. You would then get the object of this bill; but in a way much more popular and more extensively beneficial to the country. It has been said, "I won't compel one man to go into the army, in order that he may be inftructed;" but this bill fays, "I will compel a whole people to be inftructed." I can easily believe a man may be compelled to go into the army or the navy, and may thereby be made a good foldier or failor; but I can never believe, that a whole people can be compelled to enter into any mode of inftruction by which they may be enabled to defend their country, if fuch compulfion be altogether against their fentiments and inclinations. I will put the cafe of an invader coming into this country;-I will not name any particular invader, but fuppofe he may be fuccessful, because the people wished him fuccefs; whereas, if the people were in a great mass adverse to his coming into the country, and determined to oppofe him, it would be impoffible that he could ever make any progrefs which could, or ought to be alarming to

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the Government or the country. I own, Sir, that, at the prefent moment, I approve the fyftem of this bill, by which you are to get a large force; but in doing that, my opinion is, that you ought not to wait for too much inftruction. In fuch a cafe, a great deal of inftruction is not neceffary. Perhaps I may be told, thefe are not foldiers. Be it fo; I am not attempting to give you foldiers, but armed citizens men, whose bofoms glow with the love of their country, and their connexions; and who, in defence of thefe, would be as ready and willing to fight an enemy as the best difciplined foldiers in the world. I cannot bring myself to agree with the fentiments of the right hon. Gentleman on the fame bench with me, relative to the exifting danger of an invafion. I mention this with confiderable deference, for I confider him as half a military man.(On fome motion of furprise being expreffed, Mr. Fox faid) I declare I do: I know the right hon. Gentleman has paid particular attention to the army, and read very deeply on the subject; but ftill I do not scruple to say, that I think there is far lefs probability in this invasion than he does, and than many others do. The right hon. Gentleman may fay to me, what fignifies your opinion, you know nothing of the matter. Yet, Sir, my opinions are not formed on my own judgment alone; I have advised and confulted with others, who I thought were capable of fully underftanding the fubject; and it has been on their opinion, as much, or perhaps more than my own, that I think on that fubject in the manner I have already mentioned. I by no means confider an invafion as impoffible-that, I am fure, would be going infinitely too far, but as to the probability, I must differ very widely. As to the observations made by the right hon. Gentleman under the gallery (Mr. Pitt) as to the confequences of an invasion, fhould it prove fuccessful, I can by no means fubfcribe to them. If I were to know that I was to be sent to the West Indies, and there fold as a flave, I fhould not think it worth my while, when any particular perfon was about to purchase me, to enquire whether he was a good tempered man, or what were the leading features of his difpofition. So in the cafe of an invasion, it would be matter of equal indifference, who was the ruling power in France under whofe direction the invafion might take place; nor do I think that it is of any effential confequence whatever. I am one of those who are willing to go to the greatest lengths in the fuppofition, that the people of this country will defend it to the last extremity. When 4 E 2

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the noble Lord talks of one acre of English ground being only left in our poffeffion, I certainly look upon that as a figuie of oratory: but I will admit, that if the enemy gain Portfmouth, Plymouth, Chatham, and even London itself, that foratory quite out of the question) the people of this country would fight to the utmost stretch to regain those places, and would never fuffer an invading enemy to continue long in poffeffion of them. The landing of the French must certainly be confidered as a most mischievous event, and from which the greatest inconvenience could not fail to be felt. If they get to London, great and extenfive would be the mifchief indeed. But there were three things, which our duty to our country most energetically pointed out to us: first, by our naval force to prevent this mifchief, by impeding their landing; fecondly, to stop their progrefs; and, thirdly, to prevent their getting back again. As to the prefent measure, 1-do not by any means approve of the right hon Gentleman's idea of ranging the people under different claffes. Why not make it confift of one clafs, who would voluntarily bind themselves to go? It is a measure that would be well worth the trial. I think the people ought to be called on for that purpose, and in that manner; and if that is done, I have no doubt, but the numbers would be more extensive than at prefent any opinion can be formed of. This bill is intended to frengthen the prerogative. In the name of Heaven, Sir, why has it not been thought of before? Minifters must have forefeen the danger of an invafion from the moment they made a rupture of the negotiations with France; yet the prefent measure has never been mentioned between the 8th of March and the 18th of July. This is fomewhat late. His Majesty's fervants must have known the danger of an invation long ago; they could not fuppofe the French were arming in Holland in order to attack Jamaica, or any of our diftant Eaft or Weft India poffeffions. They must have been fenfible that the great danger from any artnament of the enemy, must be by a blow aimed against this country itself; and invafion alone was what they had to dread and to counteract. If this is the peculiar weapon by which to refift invafion, why apply all the other weapons first? In answer to all thofe obfervations of the fame kind which have fallen from the right hon. Gentleman, it has been asked Why not call for inquiry? The answer is extremely obvious. The time of thofe inquiries must depend on minute and particular circumstances. If the right hon. Gentleman on the fame bench

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bench with me (Mr. Windham) had called for inquiry, the cry would immediately have been- Inquiry!!! What, you call for inquiry?—You, who think the French are already at our doors' And every idea of inquiry would be fcouted at as unfeasonable, and as interrupting the meafures of his Majesty's Ministers at fuch an awful crifis as the prefent. night then be asked, what could be the motive of the right hon. Gentleman for making fuch obfervations? It was extremely obvious; it was to find fault with, and reprehend Minifters for the delay which they had been guilty of; and certainly, if no other good fhould arife from it, it would at least have this effect, that it would put them on their guard, and make them more cautious in future of being guilty of fuch tardiness. There is one point, Sir, which has been mentioned, which I beg leave to obferve upon, and that is, the danger of arming the people in general. I am convinced, that the prefent measure cannot be attended with any danger of that kind. Those who thought they had reason to be discontented with the Government of this country, for many unconstitutional acts which it had been guilty of, and who boldly spoke their fentiments on thofe various occafions, as they feverally arofe, now when the danger of a French invafion threatens them, will be united as one man in defence of their country. To thew confidence in the way, is to draw forth zeal. If you apply to the people for voluntary efforts, I have not the smalleft doubt, but you will meet with the most extenfive fuccefs; and you will have a large army of armed citizens, ready and willing to march whenever commanded, and to whatever place, cheerfully to meet and bravely to fight the enemy. But if the bill is to operate in a fimilar manner to those patfed for railing the regular army and the army of reserve, and as a means of recruiting those, I very much fear it will not be efficacious."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, I shall detain the House, Sir, but a few minutes. It gives me the greatest fatisfaction to find there has been no oppofition to the motion of my right hon. friend. Every Member who has delivered his fentiments on the fubject has given the measure his unqualified approbation: and the only difference feems to be as to the voluntary efforts. My right hon. friend, in opening his propofition, has faid, that the prerogative of the Crown was undoubted; he was, however, defirous, that Parliament fhould interfere fo far as to make the power of the preroga. sive efficacious, and not have to refort to the flow and formal proceedings