thority of a statute. His Lordfhip concluded with moving, "that the bill be printed."

The Duke of Cumberland faid, he certainly did not rise to oppose the motion; he rofe merely to throw it out to the candour of the House, whether, if the prints were not to be upon the table before Monday, it would be poffible for noble Lords fufficiently to examine the claufes of it, to prepare themselves for going immediately into a Committee upon them. He did not mean to obftruct the quick progrefs of the bill, but he thought it right to offer this fuggef tion to their confideration.

The Duke of Norfolk faid, he conceived the fole queftion before the Houfe to be, "that the bill be printed." With regard to going into the Committee, there might be noble Lords who had objections to offer to particular clauses, in order to facilitate the general operation and effect of the bill. For his own part, it would not be convenient for him to attend on Monday, and therefore he took that opportunity of faying, that all of thofe in the country, of every rank and defcription, whom he had lately feen and converfed with, appeared to be animated with the fame patriotic fpirit, and were eager to carry the measure pointed out by the prefent bill into immediate execution, or to effect any ftill stronger measure, that Government might think it expedient to fuggeft-being one and all duly impreffed with the great urgency and importance of their fervices in the common defence of their country.

The bill was committed for Monday, and the Lords ordered to be fummoned.

The million Irish currency bill, the bill to promote the building, repairing, or otherwife providing of churches and chapels, and the woollen manufacture penalty fufpenfion bill, were read a third time, and the ufual meffage ordered to be fent to the Commons.

Several bills were read a fecond time.

The clerical mistake correction bill (an error made in the bill to authorise fpiritual perfons to hold farms, and to enforce the refidence of the parochial clergy) with two others, went through Committees of the whole Haufe, and were reported without amendments.

A petition was prefented from certain debtors in Lancaster gaol.

Adjourned to Monday.

VOL. IV. 1802-3.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

MONDAY, JULY 25

Counfel was heard in the Scotch appeal, Rutherford and Stormonth, after which the decifion of the Court of Seffion in favour of the refpondent was affirmed, with 60l. cofts.

The London quota bill, and clergy refidence mistake bill, were read a third time and paffed.

The Chatham cheft and longitude bills were read a fecond time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

PRINCE OF ORANGE.

Lord Hobart moved the postponement of the order for taking into confideration his Majetty's meffage relative to the Prince of Orange till Thurfday next. The reafon alledged for this poftponement was the indifpofition of a noble Friend of his (Lord Pelham) who wished to be prefent when the bufinefs which he had mentioned fhould be brought before the Houfe. Agreed to.

DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.

Lord Hobart rofe, and moved the order of the day for the fufpenfion of fome ftanding orders of the Houfe, for the purpose of giving facility and difpatch to the progress of the general defence bill. Agreed to.

He then moved the order of the day for the commitment of the defence bill, The object and nature of the bill was, he apprehended, fo clearly difplayed upon the face of it, that it required but little explanation. Their Lordships were completely aware of its tendency. An act had been formerly paffed to enable his Majefty to avail himself of the yoJuntary fervices of his fubjects. But this did not go far enough. Any perfon might, according to his pleasure, even in cale of invafion, have withdrawn himself from the fervice. It was his Majefty's ancient and undoubted prerogative, to call out his fubjects upon the invafion of a foreign enemy; and therefore this might have been done without any appli cation to Parliament. That it was his ancient and undoubted prerogative, it would be quite unneceffary for him to enter upon any proof in that Houfe. The circumstances of the times, and the changes that had taken place during the revolution of two centuries, had rendered the exertion

of

679

of his Majesty's prerogative in fome measure ufelefs. Something more therefore was neceffary. His Majesty had a right to call out all his fubjects; but the intervention of Parliament was now necellary to enable him to call them out with effect. The object of the bill then was, to authorife his Majefty to prepare his fubjects to act with effect, in cafe the appearance of the enemy should render an exertion of his prerogative in calling them out indifpenfible. Such then being the nature and tendency of the bill, he thought that it would experience no oppofition, but would be allowed to pafs with that celerity which its importance demanded. If any perfon had objections to the principle, this was the time to propofe them. If none were made, then the bill would go into the Committee, when their' Lordships might fuggeft any amendments which they should think proper.

,

The Duke of Cumberland rose and said, that to the object of the bill, which upon its face purported to be the "Defence of the Country," it was impoffible any objection could be urged. What he had formerly thrown out went merely thus far, that he apprehended, in a meafure of this importance, too fhort an interval was allowed between the printing of the bill and the difcuffion of it.

We were

now called upon' to defend not only our lives, but what to Britons must be of far greater importance than life itself, our liberties and our honour. We were now to defend ourfelves against an overbearing ufurper, who infolently had threatened to put to death all whom he found, in ams against him. That he would meet with the moft difgraceful defeat, he had no doubt, but it became us to be prepared. There was no concealing the magnitude of the danger. To avert would require diligence and activity, but with diligence and activity it might be averted. He did not wish to fee the country plunged into a fecurity-the refult of apathy and ignorance; but he wished that its fecurity fhould be derived from a full apprehenfion of the danger being more than counterbalanced by the magnitude of the spirit and preparation which would be employed to meet that danger. His advice to his countrymen, to thofe who had the happiness to be born British fubjects, would be, to be prepared for the worft, and not to be led away by the fentiment, which he was ferry to find had obtained currency, that invafion was impoffible

P 2

impoffible. The vigilance and activity of the ufurper required an equal vigilance on our part. Every effort was to be called forth, but if the country were not wanting to itself, the refult would be difgrace and defeat to our enemies, and eternal glory to the British empire.

Lord Mulgrave role, and at fome length expreffed his fatisfaction with the bill. It held for its object the defence of the country, and to that none could urge any objection. No perfon could doubt that it was his Majefty's undoubted prerogative to call upon the fervices of all his fubjects in cafe of invafion. The change produced by the lapfe of a long period in the habits and military duties of mankind, had rendered it neceffary for Parliament to interfere, in order to give effect to that prerogative. A preparation was now neceffary, which fome centuries ago there was no occafion for. The King might call out his fubjects, but it was neceffary that they fhould previously be disciplined, in order to meet the difcipline which fhould be oppofed to them. The principle of the bill, which went to produce this ftate of difcipline, he with all his heart approved. It was the period at which it was introduced that he lamented. Why was it not brought forward before? Confidering the time that must neceffarily elapfe before the provifions of the bill could be carried into execution, he feared that, by the neglect of having it put off fo long, it could hardly be productive of any benefit for the present year. Confidering that we were at war fince the 8th of March, and the menacing tone of our enemy ever lince the treaty of Amiens, what could we think of the forefight and wifdom of Miniftry, that only at this time of day thought proper to roufe the energy of the country? To the treaty of Amiens he had many objections, and had always been against the furrender of Malta. But he voted in favour of that treaty for this purpose, that all might be convinced of the impoffibility of remaining at peace with the existing government of France. This conviction was produced. But when we perceived that the most adverfe to conviction were convinced-that the nation were almoft unanimoufly of opinion that the aggreffions and infults of our foe were hardly to be endured, and that ever fince the month of October laft, what could we think of the wifdom and forefight of thofe Minifters who only now were making preparations against the danger? He expreffed his refpect and esteem for

the

the Minifters collectively, with many he was particularly connected; but if his dearest friend were to be guilty of what appeared to him neglect and indifference, he could not at the prefent moment be filent. This was not a time to give way to the feelings of partiality. When the country had been fo ready to go along with them, he was aftonifhed at the apathy of Minifters, who seemed to be afraid of expreffing their fenfe of our danger, and alarming the country. The country ought to be alarmed. He did not mean the alarm of fear or timidity, but that sense of danger that would naturally lead to the adoption of meafures to avert it. He had been told, and indeed he himself had obferved, that there was too great an apathy in the country. Why was this the cafe? Becaufe the people expected the alarm from Government. They had been accustomed to a Government whofe vigilance, promptitude, and forefight, had averted dangers unequalled, both by their magnitude, and in the rapidity with which they fucceeded each other. Now when the alarm was fpread, fuch was the fpirit of the people, fuch were their readiness to fecond the exertions of Government, that even this meafure, with all the compulfion which it went to exercife, was the most popular that ever had been introduced into Parliament. He highly approved of the measure, because he faw infinite advantage in it for future periods. Now that the fpirit of the country was effectually roufed, he expreffed his confidence that every attempt of our foe against us would be attended with difgrace on his part, and glory and fuccefs on ours.

Lord Westmorland faid, there could be no doubt entertained of the extent of his Majefty's prerogative, in calling for the perfonal fervice of all claffes of his fubjects; the peculiar effect of this bill was, by previous difcipline and organization, to make them more ferviceable than they would otherwife be, when the occafion of exerting that prerogative might occur. Notwithstanding the general conduct of Mihiftry was reprefented by the noble Lord who fpoke laft as weak and tardy, his Lordthip contended, that the prefent meafure, when taken in connection with the other preparations, and the efficient fyftem by which it was preceded, fhewed a vigour and exertion that had never been furpaffed. The peace of Amiens he confidered as an experiment, that had convinced the country no peace could be expected where one of the parties only was inclined to that ftate. The con

fequence