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loyal part of the inhabitants of Ireland. His allegations seem to be totally unfounded. I hope and trust that no insurrection of the kind he has alluded to has existed on this occasion. Is it to go forth to the people of Ireland, upon his fimple anthority, that the insurgenis were in such union as to be able to take the very capital? That would be calling forth insurrection and rebellion over all the united kingdoin. Whenever the right hon. Gentleman, who has moved this address, chooses to bring forward the matter for more deliberate discussion, I shall molt cordially and attentively enter into it; but, at present, I am strongly of opinion that no delay ought to take place in regard to the adoption of the proposed motion.
Mr. Il'indham explained.
Mr. Hutchinson said, that after hearing such accounts of his countrymen in Ireland, he looked to that part of the united kingdom with horror and disgust; and was almost afraid to own himself of that country; but he trusted, that he could venture to match himself with any man in point of loyalty. At a time like the present, when the screams of the widow, and the tears of the orphan were reaching our ears, he thought that no delay ought to intervene, so as to obstruct she adoption of some speedy measures for their relief. As he knew the blessings of the constitution of his country, he was determined to die in support of ii ; and as he loved his country, this add:ess had his most cordial concurrence. He hoped and trusted, that the loyal part of that country might not be confounded with the niurderers and yaitorous part of it. He thought that we should mark our zeal and determination to suppress rebellion, and at the same time manifest ourselves to be wise, prudeni, and humane in our measures. Whatever might be his feelings as to his country, he trusted that strong measures would be adopted in its behalf on the present occafion; and whatever errors in his humble judgment there might be, in regard to what ought or ought not have been done by Ministers, he should not wish to draw the attention of the House from the particular point' at present under dif. cussion. He should think that he was violating his own feelings as 10 his country, were he to urge his opinions on these maiters at this moment, because he thought that the rebellion ought in the first place to be suppreffed. “ Let the rebel be pulled down, and let the tyrant tremble.” Aay attempt to reform grievances at the point of the bayonet ought to be met in a similar way.
Lord Hawkesbury said, Sir, I am almost alhamed, in rising on such an occasion as the present, so as to take up the line of the House with any observations on such a subject, or to be the means of delaying for a single minute our acquiescence in the proposed addre's; but I do confess that ihe speech of the right hon. Genilewan opposite to me (Mr. Windham) has made fuch an impression upon my mind, that even what has been alieady said in answer to his observations by iwo hon. Members, lo conformable to my own opinion, cannot prevent me from Itating what at present occurs 10 me. . I inust say, Sir, that it'ever there was an occafion for the Members of this House 10 unite in one opinion, it is. upon this prcfent address. The right hon. Gentleman has accused his Majesty's Government of having acted with precipitancy, and otherwise not as it ought to have done. Always attacking every measure of Government, the right hon. Gentleman has been pleased to say, ihat this present step is conformable to the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers. I call on him. I challenge him, I dare hiin to prove, that ever there existed any Government more ready to give information, more difposed to meet enquiry, and to act in every way according to the true conftitutional principles of the country, than the present Administration. It is the seconstitutional principles which ought to actuate every Government. The attack may have been levelled against my felt and my right hon. colleagues alorse ; but when I can tell the right hon. Member, that on former occasions when such measures occurred as seemed to preclude the neceffity of all other considerations than the object before us, that right hon. Gentleman himself has often united with Parliament in voting for addresses upon the same day on which his Majesty's Message had been delivered. I deny that there is any existing form or regulation, which, on great envergencies, can prevent such a plan from being followed. The right hon Gentleman himself had formerly none of those delicale feelings, none of those qualıns of conscience, which he now affects. It is now, for the first time,
that he breaks oui, under ci cumftarces of rebellion, which - peculiarly call forth every active and prompt exertion. A re
bellion has broke out in Ireland, more enormous than ever occurred before; and yet ine right hon, Génik man has faid, I do not pronounce your sentimenis at once, but encourage the loyal.' Though the prefent rebellion has been yct of 1hort duration, aiready has a most respectable character. the Lori Chief Justice of Ireland, fallen a sacrifice to the savage Vol. IV. 1802-3.
ferocity of an armed mob, having been murdered in a most shocking manner, and order circumstances which are far from exciting in us such sentiments as the right hon. Gentleman exprelles upon the occalion. Muft we, according to his opinion, stop iill this armed banditi has had rime to commit a few more murders? Are no precautions to be taken to prevent such fatal and such melancholy consequences? The proposition of delay is perfeally absurd in such a critical emergency as the present. I could not resist the impulse I felt, and I am convinced that every man in the House must feel a desire to express sentiments directly the reverse of what the right hon. Gentleman has ventured to throw cut. The House is by no means precluded from voting for this address at present; but grant that it was precluded by forms, which mult on other occasions be rigoroudly attended 10, I would ask, is not this an occasion where a natural and fair line of distinction ought to be drawn? It is not now for us to enquire into the causes which have conduced to this rebellion, or whether it has originated from any degree of neglect ; but to say that we shall adopt precautionary measures. The only tendency of the right hon. Gentleman's objection has been to prevent the good effect which would undoubtedly have arisen from our shewing to the country that we are all of one spirit, one feeling, and one voice, as to the propriety of adopting fome speedy and effectual measures for quelling the rebellious insurrection which has unhappily teltified itself in that part of the united kingdom.
Mr. Il'indham complained, that he only expressed a doubt of the propriety of voting this address immediately, unless some opportunity should be afforded of going into a further enquiry, but contended that he had said nothing which could at all interfere with the desired unanimity.
Dr. Laurence said, My right hon. Friend has not, in my apprehension, made any objection to the morion, but merely wished for an enquiry into the state of a country connected with this by every tie of reciprocal intereft, of lituation, and of destiny. I do not consider it as a proper answer to him to fay, “pa's this measure first, and you may afterwards move any enquiry you think proper.” Ministers have no right to throw that onus upon others, it being their duty to produce themselves all the necessary information. From the manner of the noble Lord, it should seem as if he considered it as a question of passion and feeling, and not a question dependent on ibe judgment. When they all acknowledged that my
right hon. Friend made no objection to the motion how came all this vehemence against him? One' hon. Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) afferied, that he heard no argument from him, and yet the greatest part of his own speech was in answer to those things, which, if they were not arguments, at least bore the shape and semblance of them. Had that hon. Gentleman attended all the debates in this House, he would have heard Members from that part of the country announce a spirit of loyalty pervading all ihe people of Ireland. That spirit is certainly inconsistent with the occurrences now spoken of, though not so much so with what a noble Member (Lord de Biaquire) facetiously mentions, of the tricks and gambols of burning houses, wounding cattle, &c. I will not scruple to maintain that the system of Ministers has been to blind the eyes of the people, so as to prevent them from seeing the real state of affairs. At one time, 'for the sake of some particular measure, they represent the country to be at peace, and in a few months or weeks afterwards communi. cate such altered circumstances as noihing but a miracle could seem capable of producing. The noble Lord (Hawkelbury) boldly asked, in what did the Ministers wiihhold information?' I answer, that they have done it now in the present case ; that they did so on the effects they proposed expecting to be produced by the peace of Amiens, and that there never was a vote called for in greater darkness than that which passed in answer to his Majesty's Message of the 5th of March. Yet with all thele impregnable alliances against him, the noble Lord wields the great weapon of his oratory, and speaking at the utmost height of his voice, makes the founds re-echo by repeated blows upon the table: the very challenges he has given New himself to be blind. (A cry of hear! hear!) The Minister himself, who appears to feel bold upon this challenge, will, I fear, make his boldness prove raihness. I conclude, Sir, with giving it as my opinion, that no vote of confidence we can pass will have the same effect as an act of our judgment, agreed to without forerunning our deliberation.
Lord Caftlereagh said, I own it appears to me, Sir, that the hon. Gentleman, who has been so kind as to afford us the explanation of the speech of another, has only succeeded in rendering the proposition still more unintelligible than it was before. They want, it seems to have the functions of the House fufpended till the Ministers give a pledge for subse. quent enquiry, in such a manner as to make confession of 4 X 2
Their own delinquency. Ministers will not do so; they will not le their own accusers; but they pledge themselves in meet alıy charge of criminality that may be brought against them, though a charge so doubly absurd, would only appreciate the folly and impolicy of those who may bring it forward. I really thought it impossible that fuch a comment as that I heard should come from any Member of inis House, but, least of all, from the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Windham) The motion now before you admits of no other deJiberation, but in the measures to be provided in consequence of it. It is not at variance with he usual practice of the House, even in the Administration to which thar right hon. Gentleman belonged. On ali extraordinary occasions, it has been customary for the House 10 ackno, ledge his Majesty's communication, and to allure hiin, that it would lose no time in :aking it into consideration; nor is there more demanded of it by the present motion. He further tells us, that the capital was within an ace of being taken. I declare I do not know, nor can I comprehend where he found this fact; but I aflure him that I have received no informa:ion of that kind. A moft foul and horrible transaction has occur. red; but the danger to the metropolis, with Government, was far from being of that magnitude that has been repre. sented. The Government was apprised some days before of mischief being mediated : it was proposed to repel it, bui it could not prevent, for it did not anticipate or contemplate the Jale catastrophe which has unfortunately taken place. The right hon. Gentleman charged Minifters with having Luffered representations to be made in that House of the temper and loyal spirit of the people of Ireland, but this defcription was given by themselves, though it was exhibited by others who were laden, as people ofien are, by their feelings and The ardos of patrio:ism. This often happens when a vent of fpirit breaks oun in a particular place, and ardent patriotisın is apt to represent that as belonging to the whole, which is in fact no more than a piciure of a part. Thie Ministers, is any other set of men of moderale comprehension, Couli not coolly decide in their clorets, that fo fonn after a raging rebellion, all agitations had been done away. Such a conclefion could not be made even in this country when no rebel. lion had exitted. But shough forced from open rebellion, we larely mistrusted a pla: medicated as treasonable in its views and as bl vody in its objects as any which rouk place in Ireland. Such a wicked knot perhaps exifted in England now, though