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the great majority of the people were rovsed to a sense of the most ardent loyaliy Upon the state of Ireland we ought not to deceive ourselves; though there was at this moment an appearance of rebellion, yet ihe strong mass of the people which Taved the country once, has even, by the suppression of the former troubles, received an accellion o accumulated strength, which would render her more powerful than ever. ther fore, quite astonished, that the right hon. Gentleman, whose loyal feelings, atiachment to his country and i's Government, and arıtent spirit of patrioulin, nobody ever doubred, should altempt to found a proposition of delay upon that which admits of no debate whaiever. The public satery imperiously demands ihat we thould nor now wait for criminating the Minifiers ; let him do that if he thinks proper afterwards, and he inay rest assured that Ministers will not avoid ir.

Dr. Laurence complained, that what he noticed was not so much any explanation relating to the criminality of MiniIters, as respecting the safety of Ireland.

• Mr. Alexander argued for the neceflity, in the present inftance, of avoiding any thing like debate, which might inply a difference of opinion upon the necessiiy of adopting prompt and vigorous measures on the pr-fint occasion. He recommended the example of the Irish Parliament, who, when the late rebellion broke out in that country, immediately upon the communication being made to the House from his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, without a single word of debate, inftanily and unanimoully voted a loyal address to his Majesty, expreiling their determination to lupport their King and confiction ; and the whole House in a body, preceded by their Speaker, went bareheaded up to the cattle, and prefented the address to his Excellency. The effect in the city of Dublin was forcible and instantaneous, and inspired every loyal mian with the determination to unite and put down rebellion.

Mr. Chapman said, he never heard any thing more perverse than the remarks made upon the speech of Mr. Windham, . who had only declared ih it here might be no difficulty as tu wirat was proposed to be said now, if it was not probable that a great deal more ought to be said; and yet the noble Lord Hawkesbury) worked himtelf into as great a fury as if he had been listening to the most horrid sentiments. If the address could put down the rebellion, they had already


debated too long; but, if the unanimous sense of the House was all that was required, there was no occasion for dispatch, for dispatch was only necessary when action depended, and which was not the case in the present instance.

Mr. Archdale laid, that in his opinion the best answer that could be given to the observations of Mr. Windham was, that this was not a case which admitted of any hesitation. For his own part he must disdain having ever said in the ardour of patriotism, or from any other impulse, that Ireland was perfectly secure; but having observed that the temper of the times was much better than before, that property was secure, and commerce protected and flourished, especially since ihe Union, it was reasonable for him to conclude that she country was not discontented. If that conclusion was contradicted by the event, and that rebellion and murder had succeeded, he had only to say that he was forry for it, and laincnted to find that he was só woefully deceived. With regard to Mr. Windham he must obferve, that if he did not recollect the tenor of his speech, the molt grateful office that could be done him would be not to put him in mind of it.

He paid Mr. Sheridan the highest compliments on the confitent patriviism of his conduct, who, laying aside all views of prejudice and attachment to party, had on all occasions, from ihe muriny at the Nore down to the present moment inclusively, shewn himsvif to be actualed by nothing so much as dury and attachment to his King, and a pure and disin. tereited love of his country and its constitution. For himself he must lay that he had no interest in defending the present Minitters.

An object of more importance than any culpability of theirs presented it:elf in the present state of Ireland, which, he thought, might be in pari produced, by finding day afier day, and in newspaper after newspaper, nothing but remarks on the incompetency and inability of their own Go'ernmeni, while Bonaparte was represented as the greateit man in the world, and humbling a I the powers of Europe by the force of his all powerful and irrefitible genius. If people were disposed to add these unfavourable and unjust con ralls 10 a Ipirit of revolt, they would make Ireland wole, and of course, would be very far making Eng. land any better

The Chancellor of the Exchequer broughs up a copy of the Proclamaiion of the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, which was read as follows:



HARDWICKE, Whereas divers persons, engaged in a treasonable and daring insurrection against his Majesty's Government, did, on the evening of yesterday, the 23d of July init. suddenly allemble in the Liberties of Dublin, with fire arms anu pikes, and did there cominit several outrages, and particularly in Thomas-street, in the parish of St. Catharine, within the said liberties, did assault the carriage of the right hon. Arthur Lord Viscount Kilwarden, Chief Justice of his Majesty's Court of King's Bench, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, and did drag the laid Arthur Lord Viscourt Kilwarden, together with his nephew, the Rev. Richard Wolfe, clerk, from his said carriage, and did there basely and inhumanly murder the said Arthur Lord Viscount Kilwarden and Richard Wolfe, by fabbing them respectively with pikes in var.ous parts of their bodies, of which wounds they both foon after died.

Now we, the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in order to bring such enormous offenders to condign punishinent, do, by this our Proclamation, publish and declare, that if any person or persons hall, within fix calendar months from the date hereof, discover any of the person or persons who committed the said inhuman murders on the said Arthur Viscount Kilwarden and the said Rev Richard Wolfe, or either of them, or who aided or aslifted therein, or who advised, encouraged, instigared, moved, stimulated, or incited the persons concerned therein to commit the same, such person or persons so discovering shall receive as a reward the sum of One Thousand Pounds sterling for each and every of the first three persons who shall be apprehended and convicted thereof.

And we do likewise publish and declare, that if any of the persons concerned in the murders aforelaid, save and except the persons who actually stabbed the said Lord Viscount Kilwarden and the Rev. Richard Wolfe, or either of thein, as aforesaid, shall discover any other of the persons concerned in the said murders, or either of them, so that such person or persons so discovering shall be convicted thereof, such person or persons so discovering, shall, over and above the said reward, receive his Majesty's most gracious pardon for said offences.


And whereas it has appeared to us, that the daring and rebellious outrages aforesaid were committed in prosecution of a rebellious conspiracy against his Majesty's Government, and that divers other enormities were at ihe same line committed in Thomas street aforesaid, and in the neighbourhood thereof, in prosecution of the same treasonable purpose, and That divers of the persons cngaged therein did come to Dub. lin with intent to commit such outrages and enormities, in order to induce and persuade his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjeas in the city of Dublin and its neighbourhood, by the terror thereof, and by apprehensions for their own pers fonal safety, to join in the reasonable conspiracy aforelaid.

Now we, the Lord Lieutenant and Council do hereby Atrialy enjoin and command all his Majesty's subjects in their several stations, and according to their several duties, to use their utmost endeavours to suppress all such rebellious infurre&tions and treasonable practices, and to apprehend and bring the persons engaged therein to the punishment due to their crimes; and more especially we do striály enjoin and command the Lord Mayor of the city of Dublin, and all the Justices of the Peace of the said city of Dublin, and of The county of Dublin, and all Sheriffs and other Magistrates and Officers within their several jurisdictions, and all other his Majesty's loving subjects, io do all acts in their power to such purposes.

And, we do hereby further require and command all Officers commanding his Majesty's forces, to employ the troops under their command in the most speedy and effe&ual manner, for the suppression of all rebellious insurrections and treasonable practices, wherever the same may appear, and particularly to disarm all rebels, and recover allarms forcibly and traitorously taken from his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects, and take and seize all arms and amus, milion, which may be found in the custody of any person or perfors, not duly authorised by law to have and keepshe fame.

Given at the Council Chamber, in Dublin, the

241h day of July, 1803. Signed, Redesdale C. Chas. Dublin, W. Tuam, Drog

heda, Ely, Arran, Annesley, Tyrawley, Her.
Langrishe, Dennis Browne, Henry King, S.
Hamilton, St. G. Dalav, D. La Touche, James
Fitzgerald, M. Firzgerald, H. E. Fox, M.
Smith, Standish O'Grady.


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The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, Sir, the House will have observed, in the proclamation just read, that it states, that the outrage committed in Dublin was, in the opinion of the persons by whom the proclamation was issued, che result of a dangerous and Iraitorous conspiracy against his Majesty's Government and the constitution of the country. fully aware that I thould not be justified, nor could any con. sideration induce m: to propose luch measures as those which I feel it my duty, indispenlible dury, to submit, if the outrages which have excited the horror and indignation of every wellconditioned mind, were the result of any other projects than thole against the public safety: for however we might regret the circumstances alluded to in the proclamation, they furnih of themselves no ground for narrowing the constitution within the limits of the existing Government of the country; and although the proclamation avows a dangerous conspiracy, it does not specify those details which it is necessary Thould be furnished before those measures are adopled which I lhall feel it my dury to recommend. But there are occasions when it is necessary that those who are entrusted with the conduct of Government are bound to state, if they cannot in detail, at least on their solemn declaration, subject to an heavy responsibility, that the measure which couches the constituion of the land is called for by the circumstances of the country, and a due regard for the public safety. I thould contend that the proclamation is self contains grounds which would warrant the measure, but it is necessary I should state, that the proclamation does not contain all the information in pollellion of his Majefty's Government; information which, at the present moment, it would be highly improper to declare. It sta'es a dangerous conspiracy at a tiine when it is the avowed design of ihe enemy to invade the country, and when Parliament is about 10 feparate. It was said by an hon. Gentleman, who bas, on former occasions as well as on the present, furnished proofs of vehement discusfion terminating in unanimous approbation, that attempıs at reform by the bayonet, ought to be met by the bayonet. For my own part, I wish to employ other means ; if, in aid of the bayonet, I can employ the law, I am persuaded it will be as congenial to the feelings as it is conformable to the practice of the House. I have never under rated the efficacy of the laws, but, on the contrary, I have always deplored the neceflity of resorting to those mea. fures which have been resorted to in cases of emergency. Whenever a power, unknown to the legitimate constitution, Vol. IV. 1802-3,



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