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in which, by justice solely, it was in the power of Minister's to recover the minds of the di affected, and to substirute the most zealous loyalıy or hoftili'y and desperation. The refidence of the landowner's in seiand, ought by some means to be enforced, at least some branch of each family. There were also other means, into the derail of which he for the present declined to go--because it was unnecessary to trespass on the attention of the House in a defcription of that which was already very well known, particularly to his Majesty's Ministers, who might depend upon it, that unless a very liberal plan was adupted for the government of Ireland, that country.would be mangled by the most faral division, to which the empire itself might ultimately become a prey. If the juit expectations of the people of Ireland Mould be satisfied, and they thould be cordilly attached to the British Government, there was very little doubt that we should be qualified to despise the menaces of that insatiable despot, by whose machinations alone the horrible atrocity lately commiited in Dublin was to be attributed ; that to which no Irishman could advere without horror and indignation; bat it proceeded from him who cared not about the means he chose to accomplith his ends-- from him who promised but to deceive--who fought for conquest only from a desire to promote his military fame and io propagate llavery. That any part of his countrymen could be so deluded as to trust to the profeffions of such a tyrant, or count upon any good to their country through his interference, was to him a source of the most fincere regret, but of this delusion he trusted that the benevolent interposition of this House would cure them; that interposition which humanity and policy Mould urge them to make, in order to proiect from bloodfhed a body of men who had the strongest claims to their kindness-who were their fellow fubjects for now above 60 years—who had fought their bariles-who had contributed to establish their strengih and consequence, and who were still capable of allisting in the defence of that strength and conse. quence, if they were only treated with equity, if the natural resources of the couniry were properly nurtured. These ada vantages, which it possessed from nature, were generally known, and the character of its inhabitants was esteemed wherever it was known; for, of whatever enorınities fome of its infatuated people might have been guilty in times of civil commotion-enormities which were equalled if not exceeded under similar circumstances in other countries, and very recently in this, when the passions had not so much cause to be inflamed, yet the reputation of Irishmen for humaniiy, fortitude, high honour, and the most extensive talents, cannot be questioned, nor excelled in any nation under the Heavens, not even in those which boast the greatest wealth and power, and which are the most felfihly conceited. It could not be pretended by Ministers that they did not poffefs the power of granting a complete redress of grievances to Ireland, for that inonstrous authority was adequate to any thing which was capable in such a way to deprive licland of its Legillature, which could do that which Lord Auckland once said would be as difficult as to make the Thaines flow up Highgate-hill. It might be said that Ministers had in contemplation to bring forward a better system for Ireland, but that it was not yet prepared. The case, however, did vot admit of delay; and here he took occasion to condemn the procrastination which had so long distinguished Ministers on this subject. From the time that the late Minister had accomplished the union, nothing in fact had been done to render that measure complete, or to follow up it fpirits. To him, as an Englith Ministèr, it certainly was a great object 10 atrain, whatever Irithmen might think of it; but ihai Mi. nister must have been a wretched politician if he thought an act of Parliament quite enough for the purpose, while the people were discontented. If he really did not mean to propose some conciliatory measures, he must have been either a blockhead or a knave: but it was underltood that he did. The present Minister, however, fuperceded him, and has since shewn no dispozition to do any such thing. His appearance in office was held 10 be a bad omen for the people of Ireland, and his neglect to attend to them has been productive of incalcul.ble inischief. The hon. Member proceeded to describe the happy cunfequences which would result from the appointinent of the Prince of Wales to the Lord Lieutenantcy of Ireland. If his Majesty would give this farther proof of his parenial attachment to his Trith subjects, and ihat his Royal Highness would condescend to accept of it, he had no doubt that his character, which was in ftill higher estimation than his high rank, would excite a degree of unparalleled enthusiasm throughout all Ireland. The people would justly fay, “ We have heard of Princes visiting our ifand, but they have visited us as conquerors and pillagers ; but your Royal Highness comes to us with the olive of peace." The disposition of this illustrious personage, and his knowie attachment to the Irish people, would naturally enough produce such a sen:iment-but, there was little hope that they would have the honour and happiness of his Royal Highness's presence. The same evil friend who prevenied his Royal Highness from being called into employment when the empire is pronounced in danger, would, no doubt, interfere his baneful influence, to preclude Ireland from enjoying this felicity. It appeared to him that any adviser, who could have recommended the rejection of his Royal Highness's late offer of service, must be a foe to the Monarchy of England - for what could tend to strengthen ihai Monarchy inore than the popularity of the Heir Apparent--a popularity at present universal andi ardent, but very likely to be reduced, when it is observed i hat in this crisis of public danger, he does not appear among his armed countrymen ; for it might never be generally known to the mass of the people, that his Royal Highness had offered to stand forward, and that his offer bad been declined. If any commotion hould take place in Ireland during the recess, which was not improbable, the hon. Member recommended Governmeos to meet it with vigour, but exhorted them, at the same time, to send pofitive orders that no cruelty should be pralised, that vigour should be blended with humanity; that such measures as the loyalists Jeforted to during the rebellion of 1998, and which 100 many of them are disposed 10 employ at present, shall not be allowed, for he assused Ministers that they would only tend to create thousands of rebels ; would drive many to defperation who are at present tranquil. His advice, therefore, upon this point, lie hoped would be followed by Ministers, from that humanity which forineri the most prominent trait in the character of the right hon. Gentleman. He expected that he would not tolerate any wanton severity, the apprehension of which was now fuch in Ireland, that he knew of many families who were anxious to quit the counlry, in order to release themselves from seeing or suffering such dreadful scenes as were too frequent during ihe former rebellion ; but 10 hoped they would never again occur, that the outrages of the rebel and the loyalist would be repressed, and that we should hear no more of house-burning---f pillages or of rorPres! (cry of hear! bear!) He understood that there were some Gentlemen in the House who doubied har fuch tortures had ever taken place, and chat there were some who had the confidence to deny it altogeiher; but he would refer fuch: persons io. ihe authority of Lord Cornwallis, who humanely



and wisely put a stop to that horrid practice, and to the noble Lord on the treasury bench (Caftlereagh), who knew enough of the proceedings in Ireland, and who had much to answer for his conduct in that country. But if farther authority were wanting, he would refer to one of the last aas of the laft Parliament of Ireland, and one which affixed to their character a most memorable badge of disgrace. The act to which he alluded was the indemnity bill, which extended protection to the Sheriff of Tipperary, and other magistrates -a bill which cheated men of he verdists for damages obtained in a court of justice; a bill which imposed upon the plaintiffs in a&ions the necessity of proving that the magifira:es againit whom such actions were brought were not actuated in the conduct charged against them by a wish to put down rebellion. Such was the nature of an act which af. forded ample evidence of ihe system pursued in Ireland -a system which he trusted would never be repeated.

He concluded with moving, “ Thai an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying he will be gracioully pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House such information as has been received respecting the late rebellious outrages in Ireland, and the present state of that part of the united kingdom.”

Lord Hawkesbury faid, he did not intend to ask the attention of the House for any great length of time, norwas it neceffary, for indeed the speech of the hon. Gentleman, as the ground for his motion, had precluded the neceflily, and had almost put it out of the power of the House to enter into the question in the way he had proposed, that was to fay, connecting the motion with the substance of the speech. Now considering the late of our affairs abroad, and the great mea. sures now necessarily adopted at home, and confidering that the greater number of Members were gone to the different places which most immediately required their presence, to give effe& to the very measures which they as Legislators had allisted in enading, and which the wisdom of Parliament had adopted ; considering all these matters, he could not help saying, this motion was highly inexpedient to be adopied by the House; indeed he had no difficulty in saying, that any motion not proposed to be followed up by any practical measure, with a view to some beneficial effect, muft at all times be liable to great objection in that House, because it was taking up the time of the House unavailingly, and bringing upon the country sometimes very great inconveni

ences, ences, by agitating the minds of the people upon topics which, if discussed at all, should be discussed fully and directly, and not in a collateral way. This was a general objection 10 all motions of this nature, meaning always to confine it. to such inotions, and not to say any thing to preclude any inquiry in the House when a fair ground was laid for it, and when it was proposed to be followed up by fome practical and beneficial measure. Baving made this general observarion, and begging 10 add, that this motion came after all ihe ordinary business of the House was over for the session, or at the close of the session, as it might be called, and for that reason also he might be perunited to say, the motion would be sufficiently objectionable to the House to reject it, unless it was proposed to be followed up by some practical measure of a beneficial tendency. Such was the case most remarkbly, for not only was this motion brought forward at the conclusion of the fetfion, but the House did not know the course which the hon. Gentleman intended to pursue in the event of the House adopting his motion, and that too when the aitendance of Members was such as that the House could have but few in it; Gentlemen being now necessarily in the country; so that if the motion was adopted, and the hon. Gentleman pursued the subject, it could not, for the present at least, meet with that investigation which the subject would necessarily demand, and which the hon. Gentleman assuredly would with, in order to carry into effect what he intended. As to information, he saw po pretence for asking for it at the present moment, and in the present manner. He wished not to be misunderstood; he had no idea of relisting any application for informaiion to that House, when a proper ground was laid for is, either with regard to Ireland, the conduct of the Executive Government there or here, or upan any other subject; but then the information must be asked for on a ground that it was to be followed up by some pracrical proceeding for the benefit of Ireland, or any other part of the united empire, which it could not be in the prefent ftate of the session. Having said this on general topics, as applied to the present caie, he would say but lille on the particulars to which the hon. Gentleman had called the attention of ihe House. He did not affect to have any great knowledge of the affairs of Ireland, as to what was its present, or might be its future condition; he might know it as any o her person might know ii, by history and by general observations, and by taking a great deal of intered in that part of the Vol. IV. 1802-3



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