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judge of the subject than we poffibly could be in this country. Upon the message relative to sending the militia to Ireland some delay touk place, in compliance with the vlages of the House; and with respect to that subject, he recollect that an hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Sheridan) not only opposed delav, but opposed the measure when it was brought forward. He had Itated that the Irish Government were furprised, and that the cani' I was within an ace of being taken polfellion of; and the lettor sent from Ireland to the Government here actually left it in doubt what the ffie of the contest would be. I had been triumphantly ask d, upon what ground he stated this ? and it had been denied that the Government of Ireland were surprifd, and said the capital was not in danger: if they could not a ree upon this subject, the best way would be to bring in a special verdict, and late facts. Were there not powder mills, and other preparations? Were there not printed papers ready for diftribution, and the country people coming in by preconcerted agreement? If all the circuinstances were taken together, did they not prove the exiitence of a conspiracy of great depth and breadth? The mere afubination of Lord Kilwarden might have been the sudden act of a few traitors; but combining all the circunstances together, no man could say that the Government were not surprised, or that the capital was not in danger. It had been said that the guards were doubled, as a measure of precaution ; but he was well informed on this subject, that that was not a meafure of extraordinary precaution, but that it had been done, and was constantly done upon much more trilling occasions : befides, to say that a mealure was equal to what was adopted upon such and such an occasion was nothing, the question was, was it enough? If the insurrection had broken our at midnight, instead of breaking out, as it fortunately did, three hours before, would any one say that the capital might not bave been one continued scene of horror and massacre ? Everv one knew that the insurrection and the Castle vere on one fide, and the barracks on the other If had not been for the delay occatione i by the death of Lod Kilwarden, the next step would have been to the Call, where he understood there was nothing like a sufficient guard. In one fense, the Irish Government were not surpried, as they were continually receiving information upon the lulije ct; but, as in this country, where the warning voice of the approaching dlinger was treated with disregard, and those who talked of that danger held out as alarmiits, so in Ireland all infor!'a ion upon the subject of the intended insurrection was treated with difrogard ; and

even a General, who gave fome information, was treated in such à manner as to induce him codeinaud a court-martial upon his con luct, which however, was not granted. The Government of Ireland would not believe there was any danger whilst she mine was digging under their feet; they fat in the molt serene tra quillity with the explosion was preparing, the consequences of which it was very fortunate were no worse. It had been said that he wilhed to make people feel their danger through the medium of their fears : he knew of no other wav; they must take it as they chose, it might have a different effect upon a different people ; but he believed the people of this country would fight inoit inanfully against the danger which threatened them. The system, however, of hon Gentlemen on the other Gide of the House, was quite the reverse ; they said, do not tell them of their danger, for they will be frightened out of their wits, and at last they were obliged to confess the danger. Upon this subject they were much obliged to hiinself and those with whom he acted, for ftating broadly and openly the danger to which we were exposed; it was like throwing schoolbovs into the water to make them swim. Ministers had decried him and his friends as a set of alarmnists, and had then delayed the measures necessary for the defence of the country to so late a period, that it was to be feared they would come too late. The object of the motion was only to obtain ioformation as to the state of Ireland. On the fame principle that a council of war was wished for, so he thought a Committee of that House might fit very usefully in the interval between the prorogation and their next meeting, for the purpose of confidering what had been, and what was the state of Ireland. He was sure that such a Committee, from the materials which might be afforded therm, might make a report against the next meeting of Parliament, well worthy their attention. He therefore gave his support to the motion .

Sir Robert Williams said he was now well convinced, that when the guards in Dublin were doubled, and the garrison under arms, that the Government were not surprised. He had been seven years in Ireland and had never during that time seen the guards doubled.

Colonel Cole raid, that every Irish Gentleman in the House mult feel that the Irish Government had been very remiss. He was sure that no man wished more than himself to suppori Government at the present crilis, but the Government of Ireland ought to have paid more attention to the information they received from the Gentlemen of that country,

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to the precaution of doubling the guards, it was wholly insufficient; and he knew it to be a fact, that when the yeomanry came to receive their arms there was no ammunition to give them : he thought that a Government who fported with the lives of the loyal inhabitants of the country, deferved the censure of ihat House.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he hould almost have supposed that the right hon. Gentleman felt a little fore at the observations which had been made upon his conduct with respect to the meslage relative to Ireland. He might indeet suppose that the right hon. Gentleman was a little fore upon that subject, as scarcely a day passed that the right hon. Gentleman did not make an attack upon Government, and at the same time explain fome former attack. The right hon. Gentleman was however aware that no practical purpose could ensue from agreeing to the present motion, and had then recommended a standing Committee during a prorogation, a species of Committee which it was well known could not fit without an act of Parliament, and for which there was no precedent whatever. Before the bills were brought forward relative to Ireland, a stalement was made out from his Ma. jelly, which was a comple e justification for the voting of those measures ; a proclamation was laid on the table, staring the existence of a rebellious conspiracy against his Majesty's Government; and he asked the House whether there was not a fufficient proof of the existence of a traitorous conspiracy ? The House were then called upon to adopt measures for the safety of the loyal inhabitants of Ireland; the right hon. Gentleman who complained of being charged with attempte ing to create delay, then wished not only to postpone the meafure, but to delay i wenty-four hours even before they a 'dreifed his Majesty in answer to the message.

The scruples urged then by the right hon. Gentleman were extremely illtimed, and likely to be productive of the worst consequences; dispatch at that period might be the safety of the country, and delay might be its deftruction. He would ask whether the decfiion of Parliament on that occasion did not give confidence to the people of Ireland, and more particularly to the inhabitants of Dublin. With respeâ to the ineffage which had been alluded to, which was delivered to the Irish Parliament on the 24th of May, 1798, they did not take twenty-four hours to consider of it, but voted that it should be forth with taken into consideration. The right hon. Gentleman had said, that the Government of Ireland and of this country

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were taken by surprize. No opinion had ever been stated by his Majesty's Government, that Ireland was in a state of lafery, he only stated that there was no neceslity to recur to those measures which had been before adopted. Ministers were not so weak as to suppose that the contagion which had infected so large a mass of ihe people of Ireland was entirely dillipated, but when they considered how much, in the course of the lait two years, the state of Ireland bad been ameliorated and improved, even beyond the most fanguine expectation, and that the people of that country had had the opportunity of observing ihat in a another country a military despoiilin had fupplanted all those visionary ideas of liberiy and equality which had been cherished by so many in Ireland, they were justified in imagining that those persons would take a lesson from what they had observed, and he was convinced that many of them had taken a lesson and a very useful lesson. The Government of Ireland were not taken by surprize, as had been alledged, and the measure of doubling the guards was fully fufficient as a measure of precaution. The right hon. Genileman had said, that no other orders were given ill midnight :-his was not the fact; what the orders were, it was not material to state, but they could have been acted upon if the continuance of the insurrection had rendered it necessary. Information had certainly been received by the Government of Ireland, respecting the intended insurrection, • but they had also received intelligence of a different nature, and they were to judge of what credit or weight was to be given to the information which came to their hands. The right hon. Gentleman had alluded to Col. Despard, and had called it an, insulated conspiracy; but the proclamation of the rebels in Ireland proved that it was not so, as they alluded to an attempt made in this capital which bad failed. The Government of Ireland would have been charged with credue lity, if they had stated they believed what they knew to be true. That Government had been charged with dilatoriness, but they were to consider how they could best carry into effect the great object of making an example of traitors : it was the great duty of Government to consider when they ought timely to interpose, and when measures of vigour and energy ought to be resorted to. If they had not acted as shey did, the calamity would have been ten times more dread. ful; they did not disregard measures of precaution, for they 100.5 all those that were ncceilary. The right hon. Geniles

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man thought that the details respecting the stare of Ireland
should be laid before ihe House ; he did not recollect that that
right hon. Gentleman formed a part of his Majesty's Govern-
ment, or that he brought to ward any details relpecting lhe
ftale of Ireland, notwithstanding the ftrong measures then pro-
pored ; and although repeated motions were made for That
purpose, that right hon. Genileman then relifed all motions
of inquiry respecting Ireland-but it was not merely respect-
ing Ireland, but many other circumstances relative to which
the right hon. Genileman, during the seven years he held a
a feat in his Majesty's Councils, reiifted allerquiry whatever;
disastrous expeditions, on which there might be on the face of
them misconduct were equally denied to be inquired into.
Was not all inquiry resisted with respect to the expedition
to Quiberon, in which the feelings of the country were so
much interested and so inuch hurt? He did not say, by any
means, that the right hon. Gentleman improperly relified
inquiry in those instances, but he only adduced the condu&t of
the right hon. Gentleman upon those ocasions, to prove that
the right hon. Gentleman was not exactly the person who
ought now to call for inquiry The right hon. Gentleman
had said, that the Irish Government was inert, which he de.
nied, and that the Government of this country refused to lif-
ten to the coercing voice of danger, but ineasures had been
taken from the moment of signing the treaty of Amiens to
place the country in a state of security, and since the message
of the 8th of March, measures had been adopted for the de-
fence of the country which were completely unexampled in
its history. The right hon Gentleman had said he had only
told truth with respect to the danger of the couniry; but there
were different modes of telling truth, and certainly that was
not the best mode of telling the truth, to magnify the retources
of the enemy, and to depreciate our own. With respect to
the motion iiself, it has been said that this would probably be
the last day of the seffion for business, and yet they were call-
ed upon to give information, trom which no possible good
could arise : not only that, but from the production of which
great danger must arise, as it was impossible to garble it in the
manner lated by the right bon. Gentleman. The hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Huichinson) had himself ftated the ohjeet
of his motion to be prospective, and it was evident that a
ftanding Commiree, like that alluded to, could norbe establish-
ed without an act of Perliament, from whence no beneficial

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