Abbildungen der Seite

An act to enable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury of Great Britain, to issue exchequer bills on the credit of such aids or lupplies as have been, or shall be granted by Parliament for the service of Great Britain for the year one thousand eight hundred and three.

An act for consolidating the duties on Ramps, velium, parchment, and paper, in Great Britain.

An act for consolidating certain of the provisions contained in any act or acts relating to the duties under the management of the Commissioners for the Affairs of Taxes, and for amending the said acts so far as the same relate to Scotland.

An act for rectifying a mistake in an act of the last session of Parliament, for better collecling the duties on auctioneers.

An a&t for the further regulation of the c:llection of the duties of cul. Soms in Great Britain in certain cales.

An act to amend so much of an act made in this fesfion of Parliament, for granting additional duties on excise, as relates to the exportation of tea to Ireland; for regulating the granting of permits for the removal of coffee, tea, and cocoa nuts, out of warehouses, and for the more eff=c. tually securing the duties on coffee.

An act for the more effectually securing certain duties on malt, and for preventing frauds by makers of malt from bear or bigg in Scotland.

An act to amend an act made in this present festion of Parliainent, inti. tuled, “ An act to amend an act, and render more effectual an act, piffcd in the present session of Parliament, intituled, an act to enable his Míajetty more effectually to provide for the defence and security of the realm during the present war, and for indemnifying persons who may suffer in their property by such measures as may be neceflary for that purpoie ; and to criable his Majesty more effectually and speedily to exercise his ancient and on. doubted prerogative, in requiring the military service of his liege 'lub. jects, in case of invasion of the realm.”

An act for exempting persons serving, or who had found substitutes to serve, in the additional military force, railed under an act of this feffion of Parliament, from being ballotted to serve in the inilitia of England.

An act for rectifying a mistake in an act, made in the present fefsion of Parliament, for raising an additional military force in Sco:land, and for ex. empting persons ferving therein, either personally or by substitute, from being ballotted to serve in the militia of Scotland.

An act for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of juffice in the provinces of Lower and Upper Canada to the trial and punishment of persons guilty of crimes and offences within certain parts of North America, adjoining to the laid province.

[ocr errors][ocr errors]

MR. STOCKDALE informs the Public, that the following

observations, written by the late Mr. WOODFALL, were by him intended to have been prefixed to the third Vo-' lume. Being that able Reporter's last Address, he conceives that it will not be unacceptable to his numerous Readers. The Publisher has made such arrangements with Gentlemen of the first eminence and experience, to supply the loss of Mr. WOODFALL, in the continuation of the PARLIAMENTARY REGISTER, that he thinks himself justified in promising, that the future Debates Thall be continued with an accuracy and fidelity fully equal to those which have preceded ; and he again solicits the favour of communications from such Members as may deliver their sentiments in either House of Parliament.

Piccadilly, September, 1803,


and a


affairs have assumed a new, very different aspect, lince the Reporter had laft occalion to address bis Readers ; but the change of circumstances, important as the point is, to which they have led, can excite but little surprise in a well regulated and reflecting mind. No man, who has looked on the conduct of the Chief Conful of France, from the time of figning the treaty of Amiens to the present moment, could have expected, that an unchecked career of usurpation, aggran. disement, and ambition, frantic from its excess, could have ended in any thing but the recominencement of hostilities between this country and France. When we beheld the daring despotism dealt out by the usurper of the throne of the unfortunate Louis the Sixteenth, to Switzerland, to Holland, and even Vol. IV. 1802-3



to the free State of Hamburgh, what could we look for, but some unwarranted conduct respecting Great Britain. Unexampled as it is in diplomatic history, we certainly could not imagine, that even the First Consul of France could so far forego the decorum and decency due to the representatives of crowned heads, as to conduct himself with the unwarrantable arrogance and presumption detailed in Lord Whitworth's dispatch of February 23. Bajazet to his mutes could not display more despotic insolence than this

-Cut-purse of the empire and the rule,
That from a shelf the precious diadem ftole,

And put it in his pocket. Whatsoever the turn of the war may be, the First Consul will Icarn, that the British are a loyal, an affcctionate, and a dutiful people; and that, however their magnimity might induce them to forgive insults to themselves, they will not easily be found to forget an atrocious indignity offered to their Sovereign through the person of his ambassador.

With respect to the probable events of the war, this country must take its chance. We assume not the province of Roman foothsayers, nor pretend to predict what the chapter of accidents will produce. This, we know, that the people of Great Britain are actuated by one spirit, and animated with one mind; that as the Chief Consul has been unguarded cnough to confess, that his main object will be an attempt at invasion, he will be taught that Britons, fighting pro aris et focis, are not a despicable enemy; that They will not shrink from his sword, like his foes in Italy; but will maintain the valour evinced by their ancestors at Creffy, at Poictiers, at Agincourt, and at Blenheim. The Reporter is conscious, that it is indecorous


[ocr errors]

and indecent to talk of men in power with passion or warmth ; but he could not consider himself an Engliflimen, and restrain his indignation on perusing the gross insults which the First Consul, in his conversation with Lord Whitworth, offered to the Sovereign of the British empire. Even to a cold blooded man, the papers laid before parliament convey an abundant ground for a declaration of war. There is scarcely a single act of the First Consul since the signature and ratification of the Treaty of Amiens, that has not afforded matter of just offence to this country. His views of aggrandisement, exemplified in his acquirement of Piedmont, and other parts of Italy, his obtaining poffeffion of the Te of Elba, his conduct towards Switzerland, and his conduct in marching French troops into Holland, are sufficient grounds for taking up arms against a power so avowedly void of faith, and regardless of the principle of the law of nations; that no power having made a treaty of peace shall obtain accession of territory, which neceflàrily involves an addition to its power, without the content of the other contracting party, But exclusive of these leading features of offence in the conduct of the First Consul of France, bis very complaints of affronts and insults, conveyed to the British government by M. Otto and General Andreossi, are insulting and derogatory to the king's honour and dignity. The remonstrances made by the first Gentleman go directly to an attack on the rights of hospitality. They demand a deprivation of that protection which the British Governinent has, so honourably to the character of the country, extended to the Princes of the Blood, of the latelyoverthrown French monarchy, to the French bishops, and other French individuals. The expectation that such a demand would be complied with, is most

a ?



arrogant and presuinptuous. The next requisition is, that the British preis should be restrained by pofitive laws. The very proposition of such a matter is alınoft beyond the forbearance of British patience to lifton to. In this country, the law is invested with full powers over the British press. We lament its licentiousness, occasionally indulged in, as much as any men, but we feel confolation in the recollcc. tion that its excess may be restrained, and its inde. cency punished by the good fenfe and found judgment of a Britich jury, as often as an appeal shall be thought proper to be made to one. The liberty of the press is one of the vital and fundamental principles of the constitution of the British cmpire, and every subject of our gracious Sovereign should fub. mit to the disgrace of cloathing himself with fackcloth and heaping his head with ashes, when he sees the Government fo degraded, as to bow to the dictation of a foreign power as to the government of the press.

With regard to the various other topics adverted to, and coinplained of in his Majesty's declaration, there is scarcely one of them that does not in itself contain so much matter of offence to a great and independent country, that, when refused to be 1atisfactorily explained, it does not constitute a reasonable, or rather a justifiable cause of war. Great Britain muft maintain her dignity and her bonour, and for so great a fake she must ritque every thing. Thank God, from her acknowledged superiority at fea, and the trici valour of her armies, felt and yielded to in Syria and in Egyyt, the risque is not a desperate one. It is alio contiderably diminished in confequence or the military ardour that pervades the whole island of Great Britain, when called upon to repel invasion. France, by her confcriptions, has


« ZurückWeiter »