case; which was both a charitable and meritorious act.' And Grant, one of the massacring gun-powder traytors, said, upon his execution, to one that urged him to repent of that wicked enterprize, 'That he was so far from counting it a sin, that, on the contrary, he was confident, that that noble design had so much of merit in it, as would be abundantly enough to make satisfaction for all the sins of his whole life? Sir Everard Digby, speaking to the same purpose also. The Provincial, Garnet, did teach the conspirators the same Catholick doctrine, viz. "That the king, nobility, clergy, and whole community of the realm of England (Papists excepted) were hereticks; and, that all hereticks were accursed and excommunicated; and, that no heretick could be a king; but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill him, and all other hereticks, within this realm of England, for the advancement and inlargement of the authority and jurisdiction of the Pope, and for the restoring of the Romish religion. This was that Garnet whom the Papists here honoured as a Pope, and kissed his feet, and reverenced his judgment as an oracle; and, since his death, have given him the honour of saintship and martyrdom. Dugdale deposed," "That after they had dispatched the king, a massacre was to follow.' But surely, it may be supposed, that the temper of such a prince, or his interest, would oblige him to forbid or restrain such violent executions in England: I, but what if his temper be to comply with such courses? Or if his temper be better? What if it be over-ruled? What if he be persuaded, as all other Catholicks are, that he must in conscience proceed thus? What if he cannot do otherwise, without hazard of his crown and life? For he is not to hold the reins of government alone, he will not be allowed to be much more than the Pope's postilion; and must look to be dismounted, if he act not according to order. The law+ tells us, "That it is not in the power of any civil magistrate, to remit the penalty, or abate the rigour of the law. Nay, if the prince should plight his faith by oath, that he would not suffer their bloody laws to be executed upon his dissenting subjects, this would signify nothing; for they would soon tell him, "That contracts made against the canonlaw are invalid, though confirmed by oath; and, that he is not bound to stand to his promise, though he had sworn to it: and, that faith is no more to be kept with hereticks, than the Council of Constance would have it.' So that Protestants are to be burnt, as John Huss and Jerom of Prague were by that Council, though the Emperor had given them his safe conduct in that solemn manner, which could secure them only (as they said) from the civil, but not church process, which was the greatest. For it is their general rule, 'That faith is either not to be given or not to be kept with hereticks. Therefore, saith Simanca, That faith engaged to hereticks, though confirmed by oath, is in no wise to be performed; for,' saith he, if faith is not to be kept with tyrants and pirates, and others who kill the body, much less with hereticks who kill the souls ;' and that the oath, in favour of them, is but Vinculum Iniquitatis, 'a bond of iniquity. Though Popish princes, the better to promote their interests, and to insnare their Protestant subjects, to get See the Tryal of the Five Jesuits, page 25. Viz, The Law of the Romish Church, which begins, Caput of cium. advantage upon them, to their ruin, have made large promises, and plighted their faiths to them, when they did not intend to keep it; as the emperor to John Huss and Jerom; Charles the Ninth of France to his Protestant subjects before the massacre; the Duke of Savoy to his Protestant subjects, before their designed ruin; and Queen Mary, before her burning of them. But if there were neither law nor conscience to hinder, yet in point of interest he must not shew favour to hereticks, without apparent hazard, both of crown and life; for he forfeits both if he doth. The Pope every year doth not only curse hereticks, but every favourer of them, from which none but himself can absolve. Becanus very clegantly tells us, If a prince be a dull cur, and fly 'not upon hereticks, he is to be beaten out, and a keener dog must be got in his stead.' Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth, were both assassinated upon this account, and because they were suspected to favour hereticks. And are we not told by the discoverers of the Popish Plott, That, after they had dispatched the king, they would depose his brother also, that was to succeed him, if he did not answer their expectations, for rooting out the Protestant religion. But may not parliaments secure us by laws and provisions, restraining the power which endangers us? Not possible, if once they secure and settle the throne for popery: For, First, They can avoid parliaments as long as they please, and a government, that is more arbitrary and violent, is more agreeable to their designs and principles; it being apparent, that the English Papists have lost the spirit of their ancestors, who so well asserted the English liberties, being so generally now fixed for the Pope's universal monarchy, sacrificing all to that Roman Moloch; being much more his subjects than the king's; and, though natives by birth, yet are foreigners as to government, principle, interest, affection, and design; and therefore no friends to parliaments, as our experience hath told us. But secondly, If their necessity should require a parliament, there is no question but they may get such a one as will serve their turns. For so have every of our former princes in all the changes of religion that have been amongst us; as Henry VIII. when he was both for and against popery; Edward VI. when he was wholly Protestant; Queen Mary, when she was for burning alive; and Queen Elizabeth, when she ran so counter to her sister. And the reason is clear, that he, who has the making of publick officers and the keys of preferment and profit, influenceth and swayeth elections and votes as he pleaseth. And, by how much the throne comes to be fixed in Popery, the Protestants must expect to be excluded from both houses, as they have excluded the Papists; for, as hereticks and traitors, they, as ignominious persons, &c. you have heard, forfeit all right, either to chuse or to be chosen in any publick councils; and then all laws, which have been made for the Protestants, and against the Popish religion, will be null and void, as being enacted by an in incompetent authority, as being the acts of hereticks, kings, lords, and commons, who had forfeited all their rights and privileges. * Kings of France. + See Oat'a Nar. p. 4. &c But, thirdly, Suppose our laws were valid, as enacted by competent authority, and such good and wholesome provisions, as were those statutes made by our Popish ancestors, in those statutes of provisoes in Edward the First's and Edward the Third's time; and that of premunire in Richard the Second's and Henry the Fourth's, for relief against papal incroachments and oppressions; yet being against the laws and canons of Holy Church, the sovereign authority, they will be all superseded; for so they determine, That when the canon and the civil laws ⚫ clash, one requiring what the other allows not, the church law must ' have the observance, and that of the state neglected; and constitutions,' say they, made against the canons and decrees of the Roman bishops, ' are of no moment; their best authors are positive in it. And our own experience and histories testify the truth thereof; for how were those good laws before-mentioned defeated by the Pope's authority, so that there was no effectual execution thereof till Henry the Eighth's time, as Dr. Burnet tells us? And how have the good laws, to suppress and prevent Popery, been very much obstructed in their execution by popish influence*. THE PRE SENT CASE OF ENGLAND, AND THE PROTESTANT INTEREST. SINCE the present condition of the kingdom, and the whole protestant interest by the conjunction of France and Spain abroad, and a more horrid combination of several at home, must needs affect with the most melancholy reflexions all true English hearts, all such as have any real love or zeal for their religion, or their native country; I cannot think it amiss to present a short and impartial view to such as have not considered the same. In the beginning of the last age, the Protestant interest in Europe, was more than a match for the Roman Catholick; the kingdom of Bohemia was almost all Protestant; near half the subjects of Hungaria, of Austria, and Moravia, were Protestant, and did many times defend themselves by force against the emperor himself, when oppressed by him for the sake of their religion. That, in Germany, the houses of Newburgh were Protestant, the Palatinates, for the most part of them, Prostestant of the strictest sort; the Saxons entirely Protestant, and, being hearty, unanimous, and seated In the reign of King Charles II. who was too often influenced by his Popish Brother. ↑ In the year 1690, in the midst of Germany, were a bulwark and defence to the Protestants of many other lesser states, as often as they were oppressed for their religion, by their own or their neighbouring princes; that many of the subjects of Bavaria, Bamburgh, Cologn, Wurtzburgh, and Worms, were Protestants. Besides these, that the Protestants of France were so powerful as to maintain eight or nine civil wars in defence of their religion, and always came off with advantage. The Vaudois in Italy were all of them Protestant, and great numbers of the inhabitants of the Spanish Low Countries were of the reformed religion. Besides, England and Holland, and the northern kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden, and the dutchy of Brandenburgh, were intirely Protestant. But now, instead of this. Is not the Protestant power destroyed almost over Europe? The whole kingdom of Bohemia intirely Popish? Are not the Protestants of Poland, Austria, Moravia, utterly destroyed? Is not their destruction now carrying on, and almost finished in Hungary? In Germany the Newburghers of Protestants are become fierce enemies of the Protestant religion. The Protestants of Bavaria, Bamburgh, Cologn, Wurtzburgh, and Worms, are all destroyed. In France, the Spanish Low Countries, Savoy, and Vaudois, after long and mighty struggles, the religion is utterly extinguished. Against the poor Palatines the persecution is now carrying on with its usual barbarity, and their neighbours, the Saxons, are so far from being able to help them, that they are under the fearful apprehension of suffering the like from their own princet, lately turned Roman Catholick to obtain the kingdom of Poland, so soon as his wars with Sweden, and other troubles, created him by his Polish and Lithuanian subjects, will give him leave. Besides this, two northern princes have given great cause to suspect their conversion to the Roman religion. That Sweden, by its separation from the rest of Europe by the Baltick, is unable to give assistance to the Protestants in any part of Europe, without the consent of the German Princes bordering on the Baltick, which will never be granted by Papists in favour of the Pro testants. Thus the Protestant religion, which had spread itself over almost all Europe, which had gained the intire possessions of some countries, the greater part of others, and mighty interest in most, has, through the restless malice and endeavours of its enemies, been subverted and destroyed in country after country, till it is at last reduced to a little corner of what it once‡ possessed, England and Holland. And do we think our enemies will not accomplish, what they have thus prosperously carried on so far, our utter destruction? Is it not high time then to think ourselves in danger, to look about us to enquire what it is hath thus weakened us, brought us so near our ruin, what measures will certainly accomplish it, and what we must take for the prevention of it. The Romish methods of converting the Protestants have been in all countries the same, viz. Confiscation of their estates, goals, and imprisonments, fire and sword, dragooning and massacring, and inflicting the • Now divided between France and the House of Austria. most inhuman torments, that rage and fury could invent, upon such, whose resolution and zeal for their religion could not be moved by the former means". If this be the true case of England and the Protestant religion, then what is wanting to give the finishing stroke to our destruction, but only an ability in the king of France, to break the powers of England and Holland? And when we consider, how, in the year 1672, the king of France marched his army through the midst of Flanders, fell directly upon Holland, then unprovided, entered their strongest towns like open villages, some without defence, or almost denial, most of them without any blows at all, and all of them with very few, and made himself master of three parts of Holland in two months' time, for which Sir William Temple, king Charles the Second's ambassador, then in Holland, tells us the reason was, That the Dutch, then not suspecting 'such a thing, had no field army, sufficient to encounter their enemies, 'or succour any town; that walled towns will not defend the men within, unless the hearts of the men will defend their walls; that no 'garrison will make any resolute defence, without the prospect or 'hopes at least of relief.' It is true, that the French king, having then all Flanders on his back, garrisoned with Spanish troops (then his implacable enemies) a powerful army of the German princes marching upon him down the Rhine; Spain and England, alarmed by his successes, preparing to attack him in all quarters, was glad to vomit up all again, and return home with as much precipitancy as he had invaded them, lest the provisions and retreat of his army through Flanders should be cut off. But now the case is otherwise, he has possessed himself of Flanders, extended his dominion to the very frontiers of Holland; Spain is all united to him; some German Princes, then his enemies, are now become his friends; others entered into conditions of neutrality with him; and should he now, by a fatal battle, which God of his infinite mercy forbid, break the Dutch army, which they have, with infinite charge and matchless vigour, gathered up from Denmark, Brandenburgh, and other remote countries of Germany, might he not enter the heart of their country? And whence then can their strong cities depend upon relief? May he not, as formerly, possess himself of their whole country in less than one campaign? It was the opinion of that great statesman, Sir William Temple, That Holland would make a stout resistance in any quarrel remote from their own doors; but ' that which enables them (their wealth) to carry on a foreign war with 'vigour, would in a war at home render them defenceless: rich and 'populous towns are not fit for sieges, or were ever known to make any long and resolute defence. If this be our case? if the whole power of the Protestant religion rests now in a manner, in England and Holland? if the destruction of England, as well as of our holy religion, must inevitably follow the loss of Holland? if Holland, by one unfortunate battle, might happen to be lost in one campaign or less, are we not in a most sad and deplorable condition? And, if some men are without their fears, have we not the • See this particularly described on page, 36, &c. |