AN ADDRESS

AGREED UPON AT

THE COMMITTEE FOR THE FRENCH WAR,

And read in the House of Commons, April the 19th, 1689.

WE

your Majesty's most loyal subjects, the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, have taken into our most serious consideration the condition and state of this nation, in respect of France, and foreign alliances; in order to which, we have examined the mischiefs brought upon Christendom, in late years, by the French King, who, without any respect to justice, has, by fraud and force, endeavoured to subject it to an arbitrary and universal monarchy.

In prosecution of this design, so pernicious to the repose and safety of Europe, he has neglected none of those means, how indirect soever, which his ambition or avarice could suggest to him. The faith of treaties, among all princes, especially Christian princes, ever held most inviolable, has never been able to restrain him, nor the solemnest oaths to bind him, when any occasion presented itself for extending the limits of his kingdom, or oppressing those, whom his interest inclined him to qualify by the name of his enemies. Witness his haughty and groundless declaration of war against the States General of the United Provinces, in the year 1672, in which he assigned no other reason for disturbing that profound peace, which, thro' God's mercy, all Europe enjoyed at that time; but his own glory, and his resolution to punish the Dutch, for some imaginary slights and disrespects, which he would have had the world believe, they had put upon him: whereas, the true occasion of that war was nothing else but a formed design, laid down and agreed upon by that king and his accomplices, for the subversion of the liberties of Europe, and for abolishing the Commonwealth of Holland, as being too dangerous an example of liberty to the subjects of neighbouring monarchs. The zeal for Catholick religion, which was pretended by him in this and the following wars, did afterwards sufficiently appear to the world, to be no other than a cloak for his unmeasurable ambition; for, at the same time when the persecution grew hottest against the protestants of France, letters were intercepted, and published, from him to Count Teckely, to give him the greatest encouragement, and promise him the utmost assistance in the war, which, in conjunction with the Turk, he then managed against the first and greatest of all Roman Catholick princes.

Witness, also, the many open infractions of the treaties, both of Aix la Chapelle and Nimenguen, (whereof your Majesty† is the strongest

• The King of Hungary, &c.

+ As King of England. See the Emperor's Letter to King James the Second, page 23.

gauarranty) upon the most frivolous pretences imaginable, of which the most usual was that of dependencies; an invention set on foot on purpose to serve for a pretext of rupture with all his neighbours, unless they chose rather to satisfy his endless demands, by abandoning one place after another, to his insatiable appetite of empire, and for maintaining whereof, the two chambers of Metz and Brissach were erected to find out and forge titles, and to invent equivocal constructions for eluding the plain meaning of treaties concluded and sworn with the greatest solemnity, and than which nothing can be more sacred among mankind.

From hence it was, also, that Strasburg was so infamously surprised by the French King, in a time of full peace; and though great conditions were agreed and promised to the inhabitants of that city, yet no sooner was he in possession of it, but all stipulations were forgotten, and that ancient free city doth now groan under the same yoke with the rest of that king's subjects.

The building the fort of Hunninghen, contrary to so many solemn assurances given to the Swiss, and the affair of Luxemburgh, are too well known, to need a particular deduction. In a word, the whole series of the French King's actions, for many years last past, has been so ordered, as if it were his intention, not only to render his own people extremely miserable, by intolerable imposition of taxes, to be employed in maintaining an incredible number of dragoons, and other soldiers, to be the instruments of his cruelty upon such of them as refuse in all things to comply with his unjust commands, but likewise to hold all the neighbouring powers in perpetual alarm and expence, for the maintaining armies and fleets, that they may be in a posture to defend themselves against the invador of their common safety and liberties.

Examples of this sort might be innumerable; but his invasion of Flanders and Holland, since the last truce of 1684, and the outrages committed upon the empire, by attacking the fort of Philipsburg, without any declaration of war, at the same time that his imperial Majesty was employing all his forces against the common enemy of the Christian faith, and his wasting the Palatinate with fire and sword, and murdering an infinite number of innocent persons, for no other reasons, as himself hath publickly declared, but because he thought the Elector Palatine faithful to the interest of the empire, and an obstacle to the compassing his ambitious designs, are sufficient instances of this.

To these we cannot, but with a particular resentment, add the inju ries done to your Majesty, in the most unjust and violent seizing of your Principality of Orange, and the utmost insolencies committed on the persons of your Majesty's subjects there: and how, to facilitate his conquests upon his neighbour princes, he engaged the Turks in a war against Christendom at the same time.

And, as if violating of treaties, and ravaging the countries of his neighbours states, were not sufficient means of advancing his exorbitant power and greatness, he has constantly had recourse to the vilest and meanest arts, for the ruin of those whom he had taken upon him to subdue to his will and power, insinuating himself, by his emissaries, un

der the sacred name and character of publick ministers, into those who were intrusted in the government of kingdoms and states, suborning them, by gifts and pensions, to the selling their masters, and betraying their trusts, and descending even to intrigues by women, who were sent or married into the countries of diverse potent princes, to lie as snakes in their bosoms, to eat out their bowels, or to instil that poison into them, which might prove the destruction of them and their countries, of which Poland, Savoy, and Spain, to mention no more at present, can give but too ample testimonies.

The insolent use he has made of his ill-gotten greatness, has been as extravagant as the means of procuring it. For this the single instance of Genoa may suffice; which, without the least notice or any ground of a quarrel whatsoever, was bombarded by the French fleet, and the doge, four principal senators of that free state, constrained in person to humble themselves at that monarch's feet; which, in the style of France, was called 'chastising sovereigns for casting umbrage upon his greatness.'

His practices against England have been of the same nature, and by corrupt means he has constantly, and with too much success, endea voured to get such power in the court of England, in the time of King Charles the Second, and the late King James, as might by degrees undermine the government, and true interest of this flourishing kingdom.*

Another art which he has used to weaken England, and subject it to his aspiring designs, was never to admit an equal balance of trade, nor consent to any just treaty or settlement of commerce, by which he promoted our ruin at our own charge.

When, from a just apprehension of this formidable growing power of France, the nation became zealous to right themselves; and the House of Commons, in the year 1677, being assured they should have an actual war against France, cheerfully raised a great sum of money, and an army as readily appeared to carry on the war; that interest of France had still power enough to render all this ineffectual, and to frustrate the nation of all their hopes and expectations.

Nor did France only render this desired war ineffectual, but had power enough to make us practise their injustice and irregularites, some years before, by turning our force against our next neighbours,† by assaulting their Smyrna fleet.

Nor were they more industrious, by corrupt means, to obtain this power, than careful, by the same ways, to support it; and knowing that from parliaments only could probably proceed an obstruction to their secret practices, they attempted to make a bargaint, That they should not meet in such a time; in which they might hope to perfect their designs of enslaving the nation.

In the same confidence of this power, they violently seized upon part of Hudson's Bay; and, when the matter was complained of by the company, and the injury offered to be proved, the best expedient France could find to cover their injustice, and prevent satisfaction, was to make use of their great interest in the Court of England to keep it from ever coming to be heard.

See the Emperor's Letter, in page 23. The Dutch. With the King and Ministry.

The French king, in pursuance of his usual methods, of laying hold of any opportunity that might increase his power, and give disturbance to others, has now carried on an actual war in Ireland, sending thither a great number of officers with money, arms, and ammunition, and, under the pretence of assisting the late King James, he has taken the government of affairs into his hands, by putting all officers into commands, and managing the whole business by his ministers, and has already begun to use the same cruelties and violences upon your majesty's subjects, as he has lately practised in his own dominions, and in all other places, where he has got power enough to destroy.

Lastly, The French king's declaration of war against the crown of Spain, is wholly grounded upon its friendship to your majesty's royal person, and no other cause of denouncing war against it is therein alledged, than the resolution taken in that court, to favour your majesty, whom he most injuriously terms the Usurper of England, an insolence never-enough to be resented and detested by your majesty's subjects.

After our humble representation of all these particulars to your majesty, if your majesty shall think fit to enter into a war against France, we humbly assure your majesty, That we will give you such assistance in a parliamentary way, as shall enable your majesty to support and go through the same; and we shall not doubt, but by the blessing of God, upon your majesty's prudent conduct, a stop may be put to that growing greatness of the French king, which threatens all Christendom with no less than absolute slavery; the incredible quantity of innocent blood shed may be revenged; his oppressed neighbours restored to their just rights and possessions; your majesty's alliances, and the treaty of Nimenguent supported to that degree, that all Europe in general, and this nation, in particular, may for ever have occasion to celebrate your majesty as the great maintainer of justice and liberty, and the opposer and overthrower of all violence, cruelty, and arbitrary power.

In the Year 1689.

By which, proper caution was taken to curb the haughty designs of France, to maintain the balance of Europe, and to secure the prosperity of the Protestant States.

MACHIAVEL'S VINDICATION

OF

HIMSELF AND HIS WRITINGS,

AGAINST THE

IMPUTATION OF IMPIETY, ATHEISM, AND OTHER HIGH CRIMES ;

EXTRACTED FROM HIS LETTER TO HIS FRIEND ZENOBIUS.

In this Apologetical Letter, Machiavel endeavours to clear himself of three accu sations : 1. Of his favouring democracy. 2. Of his vilifying the church, as author of all the misgovernment in the world; and by such contempts, making way for profaneness and atheism. 3. Of teaching monarchs, in his book of the Prince, all the execrable villanies that can be invented, and instructing them how to break faith, and so to oppress and enslave their subjects; which particulars are generally laid to his charge.

I. To the first, he answers, "That being born and brought up in a commonwealth, viz. Florence, and having had his share in the managing affairs, sometimes in the quality of secretary to that city, and sometimes employed in embassages abroad; to quit himself of his duty, he began to read the histories of ancient and modern times, and thereupon made some observations on Livy, wherein he carefully avoided all dogmaticalness, and never concluded, from the excellency of the Roman counsels and atchievements, that they naturally proceeded from their government, and were a plain effect and consequence of the perfection of their commonwealth. But,' says he, 'if readers will thus judge, how can I in reason be accused for that?"

Then he gives you a description of rebellion, which he extends not only to a rising in arms against any government we live under, but to all clandestine conspiracies too, and believes it to be the greatest crime that can be committed amongst men; and yet a sin which will be committed, while the world lasts, as often as princes tyrannise over their subjects; for, let the horror and guilt be never so great, it is impossible that human nature, which consists of passion, as well as virtue, can support, with patience and submission, the greatest cruelty and injustice, whenever either the weakness of their princes, the unanimity of the people, or any other favourable accident shall give them reasonable hopes to mend their condition, and provide better for their own interest by insurrection. But as to those who take up arms to maintain the politick constitution or government of their country, in the condition it then is, and to defend it from being changed or invaded by the craft or force of any man, though it were the prince, or chief magistrate himself; if such taking up of arms be commanded or autho rised by those who are, by the orders of that government, legally intrusted with the custody of the liberty of the people, and foundation of the government: Our author is so far from accounting it a rebellion, that he believes it laudable, and the duty of every member of such commonwealth.If this be not granted, it will be in vain to frame any mixt monarchies in the world. II. As to the accusation of impiety, Machiavel denies, that his laying the blame upon the church of Rome, not only for all the misgovernment of Christendom, but even for the depravation, and almost total destruction of the Christian religion in Italy; he denies, I say, that such a blame should make way for atheism. In order to a further clearing of himself, he makes a most pure profession of