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that a more full and fair discussion would be given to it than to the measure of the land tax last year.
Mr. Buxton was forry to hear fuch harsh terms applied to the measure now proposed by his right hon. Friend; it by ng means called for, nor justified them ; nor were the other observations that were thrown out by any means applicable to the question before the House, which was merely, that the report be now brought up. He heard much stress laid upon the words “ inquisitorial power;" for his part, he could not see the measure in that light: on the contrary, he looked upon it as a plan as fair
and candid as a Chancellor of the Exchequer could propose. Those who were to superintend its execution were also of the most unquestionable chara ler. They were to be drawn from that description of persons to whom are entrufted the execution of our civil and criminal laws. It was not therefore to be supposed that men of the first consequence in the country would lend their countenance and co-operation to a measure that deserved to be branded with the epithets which some gentlemen had thought proper to indulge in. As to the difficulties attending it, they would not be found greater than those which at all times embarrassed measures of such various and comprehensive operations. He last year proposed, that if a tax was to be laid upon land, a tax also should be laid on income of every sort. It was his wish to see all property equally interested in the defence of the country, and equally to contribute towards the proteciion it received. Was not this the object of the measure now proposed, and why resist it, unless a fairer and more effecival one can be substituted in its Itead? He was as steady a friend as any member of that House to the real liberties of the country, and those who were friends to those liberties, thould not grumble at sacrificing a few of their comforts in order to protect and secure them. It is obje ged to the measure that its object is 10 continue during the war, and that it was intended to subfidize foreign powers, in order to gain their co-operation against the common enemy. This, in his eyes, was no objection; on the contrary, he was bold 10 say, that no minifter thould be permitted to remain in power in this country, who was not watchful in procuring and maintaining such continental connections: for this ifland, however proudly fome Gentlemen may be inclined to speak of its sufficiency, is and must be connected with Europe ; and if any miniller neglected to keep up that connedion by every pollible means,
he should be pronounced guilty of high treason, and punished for his guilt. If the powers on the continent wani money, the minister would not be a true friend to his country if he did not rendeavour to fupply them. He trusted, therefore, that he would have the fpirit to do so, and that nothing would be left untries to make all Europe, to a man, rise up and oppose the .profligate ambition of an enemy that knows not where to stop, till he tramples upon the liberty and independence of the world.
Mr. Jones explained, and said, that he had not the least objection io the principle of the measure.
The resulutions were then read; agreed to, and a bill ordered to be brought in in pursuance of them.
Sir Francis Burdett said, that what he was about to state would not, he trusted, detain the House for any considerable time The motion he was about to offer to the House was fo unobjectionable in itself, that he did not believe the House could see any impropriety whatever in it; and he rather thought that his Majeity's minifters themselves would accede
He should therefore read it: " That there be laid before this House a list of the names of all the prisoners confined under the Act of the 38th of his present Majesty, entitled, ' An A& to empower his Majesty to secure and detain such persons as he shall suspect to be conspiring against his person and government.”'
He then said he should not press this motion now, if he was given to understand there was the least objection to it; he thould, in that case, bring it forward op some future day.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the hon. Baronet had done righıly when he determined to take time before he made this motion, if it was objected to; it certainly was not a motion of course, and therefore the hon. Baronet would now take an opportunity of paming some day for the discuslion of it.
The motion was then appointed for Monday.
The Secretary at War moved the order of the day, which was to take into consideration four resolutions of the coinmittee of supply upon the army estimates.
The House proceeded to consider the resolutions.
On reading ihat which relates to the supplementary militia,
Lord W. Russell said, there were some complaints upon this. branch of the public service in that part of the country in which he lived. The expence was such that the people could not support it. There was a great difficulty in procuring
substitutes, and when procured, they deserted very frequently. This became a very troublefome business to this part of the country. He withed ministers to take it into confideration, and endeavour to find out some relief.
The Secretary at War laid, he did not know of any particular grievance that belonged to one part of the country more than another in this particular. If the noble Lord had any thing to suggest by way of reinedy, he should be happy to hear it. Inquiry might, perhaps, lead to some suggestions for remedies, but until something of that kind took place, he knew of nothing that could be done.
The resolution was then put and carried; as were the other resolutions, and a bill or bills were ordered to be brought in in pursuance of them.
The Secretary at War moved for leave to bring in a bill for punilhing mutiny and desertion, and for the better payment of the army and their quarters, that is commonly called the mutiny bill. Leave given.--Adjourned.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 5. This day Lord Nelson's annuity bill was brought up from the House of Commons, and read a first and second time and committed for Monday.
The House then adjourned to Monday next.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 5. The malt duty bill passed a committee of the whole House, and the report was ordered to be received the next day.
The Chancelor of the Exchequrr brought up a bill for repealing the duties laid on the last sellion of parliament, called the Alleffed Taxes, for the support of the war, and for laying other duties in lieu thereof, in order to carrying on the same purpose more effectually.
The title of the bill being read,
Sir Robert Clayton faid, we were to look, not upon men, but measures. If he had been in the House the viher day he should have been against a certain Baronet now near him. We should not have had the success we had last summer if we had previously diminished our navy. By their exertions, however, our fear of invafion was at an end. The public
money of this country he thought always well bestowed upon the navy;. but he could not give his voice so cordially for the army. Never would he give his consent to any support to a continental war, nor any loan to a foreign prince. He was against secession from parliament; he withed Mr. Fox (here he was called to order]-Well then, he would say he wished a certain gentleman would attend his duty in that House. It was said, “ you cannot get the present minister out”-true ; but he opposed Lord North for 17 years, and if they had not attended for all that time they would not have succeeded and got him out of power. He was of opinion that the present minifters misconducted the public affairs, and if a wiser policy was not adopted, he was afraid we should lofe Ireland as we loft America. He was against the plan of the Assessed Taxes; but he did not swear off; but paid them. He bebelieved, however, that much perjury had been committed in consequence of these assessments. He was no orator, and knew not how to speak to advantage ; but his conscience he ought 10 speak. He was against this tax upon income ; he was against laying open all the accounts of the trader, the merchant, and the banker:- it was to him a dreadful thought. But, if it must go on, he hoped somebody would propose ihat only 10 per cent. thould attach on sool. a year, and twenty per cent. upon a thousand, and advance the rate as we go upwards. If placemen and pensioners, should support that plan, then he would say they were good statesmen. With regard to the right hon. Gentleman, he owned he was a very lucky miniser; for he never had 10 open a fellion but some success had just previously occurred to his advantage. Indeed the present minister reminded him of a Cat: for tofs and throw him as you will, he always lights tipon his feet; he is always upon his legs: he begged pardon, but he wished to declare his public opinion; he thonght the country in fuch a fituation, that every honest independent man ought to come forward and deliver his opinion. He should oppose this meafure in every stage; but if the House should be determined to go on with it, he should have a clavise to propofe relative to all places and pensions when the bill came into the committee.
The bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice, that the next day he would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the act of the laft feflion for the sale of the land tax.
CALL OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. Tierney asked if the Income Bill was intended for recoinmitment on Friday se'nnight,
The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered in the affirmative.
Sir John Sinclair said, he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would alter his intention of re-committing the bill on that day, as he wilhed that the Houfe might be called over on that day fortnight, it being usual to do lo upon the discussion of great questions, in order to enforce as full an attendance as possible. The present question involved in it the inolt important considerations. The funding system was the mode by which supplies bad been raised for a century past. Any measure, therefore, which went to lay aside a systein that had been attended with success, and under which the country flourished, ought to be looked upon with apprehension and jealousy. It would require the united wisdom of the House to carry the measure into effect, and one great difficulty would be to ascertain the scale of the tax on income. He objected strongly to the tax on income arising from the public funds, as well as that on property which persons had out of the country. The people were severely taxed already, and to lay heavier burthens on thein inight be productive of emigration, and other ill consequences that would finally render the tax unproductive. It would be better to suffer the tax of latt year to remain ; to substitute the present in its room, would be throwing away a permanent for a temporary advantage ; and he feared it would have the effect of raising the price of all the necessaries of life. It therefore would be adviseable to have all the members alleinbled together, as by their united wisdom some other measure might be devised ; or this bill be rendered less objectionable. He would therefore move, that the House be called over on that day fortnight.
Mr. Tyrrwhit thought, from the full attendance in the House when the Chancellor of the Exchequcr opened the measure, that a call would be fuperfluous.
Mr. Martin said, he had long thought that many members of that House neglected their duty very much, not that he was quite sure that the public would be much benefited if they did attend. He begged, however, to be understood as not to allude to any particular member or members of the House. He meant pirely to apply his observation to those who staid in the country, when nothing kept them there but