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of a hundred pounds in the reduced, amounting to 871. gs. 6d. the value of which in money is 1461. 128. 31d. The payments are to be made between this and February in four inftalments, and as the public service does not require prompt payment, there will be no discount. In lieu of the discounts then, there will be a bonus to the contractor of 135.4d. making ihe whole of what he receives 991. 155. 3d. less, by about th, than the market price. Since that period stocks have risen, and the premium on the loan is now 21 per cent. Thus it will appear, that the reasons for postponing the bargain for the whole loan at the present period, were founded in prudence. I shall detain the committee no longer, but content myself with moving, “ that it is the opinion of this com“ mittee, that the Tuin of three millions be raised by way of "annuities."
Sis John Sinclair faid, that he perfectly approved the bar gain which had been made for the public, He only wished 10 know whether taxes were immediately to be provided for this sum of three millions now to be raised, as had always been the practice on former occalions.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that what the hon. Baronet had ftated, that it had been customary to provide taxes for the interest of the loan on the same day the loan was voted, was not historically true. He himself was the firft who introduced that practice; previous to which often a considerable space elapsed between the vote of the loan, and the provision for the intereft by taxes being stated. The worthy Baronet, however, onghi to have recollected for how finall a proportion of the whole loan of 14 millions, it would be necessary to provide permanent taxes. Ten millions of it were intended to be extinguished by the produce of the new measure of finance, which had been proposed. The whole fum, the interest of which was to be provided, was four anillions and a half, so that though he had called for seven millions more, he would not have been necessarily called upon to make provision by taxes for the interest. He hoped, therefore, he need make no apology for not laying the proposed taxes before the House io day... It would be more convenient for the House to have the whole at once, when the interest of the four millions and a half was to be provided.
Sir John Sinclair faid, that both from the hon. Gentleman's pradice and the pradice of the House, it was natural to expect that the taxes would have been inmediately pro vided. VOL. I. 1798.
Sir Francis Burdett said, he role in conformity to the notice he had given the other day, of an intention to bring forward a motion, which, but for the observations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he should at that time have submitted to the consideration of the House ; and which motion appeared to him ftill to be necessary. He was fully aware, he said, how formidable any objection must be, when coming from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to any measure whatever in that House; and yet, such was the motion he had to submit, that he flattered himself with some hopes of success. The House was already in polfeflion of the substance of the motion he was about to make ; and he trusted the House would feel it their duty to support a demand so moderate, and a measure so eflential to its own character and interest. He thought he might look to the concurrence of all parties in the motion he had to submit, unconnected as it was with any party politics, and touching, as it did, the safety of every individual in the country; he might therefore, under such an impression, look for the unanimous approbation of the House.
He was ready to admit that some persons might disapprove of the extent of the principles of liberty which he professed ; and although there might be many men of honest intentions, who thought that certain principles, of even liberty itself, led to despotism, yet he could not conceive that they would oppose the inotion with which he intended to conclude. There might be fome, indeed, whose minds were so base as to have a predilection for arbitrary power ; but he trusted, they would not oppose the motion he was going to submit; because, however right they might think it was for Government to have a certain power for the sake of preserving peace and tranquility, yet it was neceffary, even for them to procure information, for the sake of making men easy, inItead of keeping them in a state of constant inquietude ; and to shew that the state affords some protection to its subjects. He therefore thought he had some reason to hope for the success of his motion even in this view of it.
The whole of the question he had to submit, lay in a very narrow compass. That House had judged it fit and he was not now difputing its judgment) to entrust to the discretion of the ministers, an extraordinary power, the granting of which could only be justified from the particular circumstances of the country; a power which ought not to have becn granted to any minister under any circumstances, for a
day, or hour, or a minute, beyond its actual necellity. The power to which he alluded, had now been in the hands of ministers for, he believed, the term of four years; it commenced, if he remembered rightly, in 1794: certainly, in 1794 or 1595; but he was not sure which. After this length of time the House would hardly think it too much to deinand of the minister an account of the use that had been made of such power. Certainly when the House granted that power, it did not mean that no account whatever thould be given of it. If the House, after looking at the matter gravely, consented to leave the subjects of this country Raked and defenceless, and open to the attack of uncontrolable power; and if ministers would not give any account of the exercise they have made of that power; if such was to be the state of things, better would it have been for this country to have submitted quietly to all the arbitrary prerogatives, and affumed power of the House of Stuart; better would it have been that every right should be submitted to the Will of the Crown; better would it have been for our ancestors to have preserved their blood in their veins, and not to have fhed it for the principles of a constitution which were afterwards basely resigned to, and continued for a time, at the will of the Throne. He thought he should be doing an injury to the House to state there was any ground of suspicion that the House would neglect its duty, and therefore he fhould take it for granted, the information he wanted, would be given. Indeed, he thought that minifters themselves would have rendered his motion unnecessary, by laying on the table of the House a list of those on whose behalf he was going to move. Without introducing, therefore, any extraneous matter, he should now move, « That there be laid on the table of this House a list of the names of the persons who are detained under and by virtue of an act, entitled, “ Ar act to enable his Majesty to secure and detain such perfons as he shall suspect to be conspiring against his person and government,” and of the prisons in which they have been confined."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that when on a former day he had thrown out an objection to the intended motion of the hon. Baronet, the principal object of that objection was, that such a motion should not be permitted to pass by unnoticed merely as a motion of course, and in that light only did he then object to it; and, had he not now reasons ia his own mind for not opposing it, he would not, perhaps,
from the explanations offered by the hon. Baronet, and from the grounds upon which the motion was supported, be so easily inclined to give it his affent. Indeed, on whatever grounds the motion might have been brought forward, he had no difficulty in saying, that the act so pointedly alluded to by the hon. Baronet, had been productive of the most salutary consequences, and therefore it was matter of much serious consideration whether it were fate to lay aside its operation. As to the use made of it by Government, they did not fear to avow it, though they would not make any such avowal from compulsion; but in the present case, as far as the object of the motion involved no inconvenience, no objection would be made to the disclosure of the names, &c. now called for. He, for one, felt that it might be extremely adviseable that such names should be laid before the House, and even the reasons for their imprisonment, though not, perhaps, on account of the motives which actuated ihe hon. Baronet's motion ; for he was far from being adverse to Jetting the House and the public see what use had been made by ministers of the discretionary power entrusted to their hands. Upon the whole, he was confident that the country had derived the most essential services from it fince last Selfion; and however they might feel exempt from doubts or apprehenfions, yet he could not say that the crisis of danger was so far past as to leave us without a wish to see the same power revived and continued; but upon this subject, he would take an early opportunity to entertain the House: at present, he would only say, that much of our present securiiy and prosperity had arisen from the wise precautions hitherto adopted, and a due regard to that security and prosperity should make us hesitate about precipitately relinquishing that wise precaution. This the House would the more an iously attend to, were they acquainted, as they one day, and soon, should be, with the alarming dangers that threatened even this country ; dangers which nothing but the extreme vigilance of administration could have successfully warded off.Great and ainple, indeed, were the powers with which Government had been armed; but the nation, he trusted, was sensible that this power had been wisely and faithfully employed. Upon the topics, however, he would not now enlarge, but content himself with observing, that, for the reafons he had advanced, the present motion had his most perfect acquiescence. The Speaker observed, that the motion, on account of the
matter it contained, should be put in the form of an address to his Majesty, which observation was adopted.
The motion was then put and agreed to.
The House went into a committee on the Small Notes Bill, upon the motion of Mr Wi be force Bird ; on the clause that the small notes be made as low as 5s, a conversation took place between Mr. Pitt and Mr. W. Dundas, who opposed the clause; and Mr. W. Bird, who supported it: upon which a division took placeFor their remaining at 2os.
105 For their descending to gs.
Majority The bill for reviving the 37th of his present Majesty, al. lowing the admission of certain goods in neutral vessels to the Cape of Good Hope, &c. &c. was coinmitted, and the Report ordered to be received the next day.--Adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
TUESDAY, Dec. 11. A message from the Lords informed the House that their Lordships had agreed to Lord Nelson's Annuity bill without any amendment.
Leave was given to bring in a bill for rendering more commodious the Port of London, &c.
The bill to empower his Majesty to make certain regula. tions in the trade to the Cape of Good Hope, was read a first time, and ordered to be read a fecond.
The Scots Small Note bill was read a third time.
Mr. il. Dundas brought up a clause, which was made part of the bill, providing that no notes under 5s. sterling Thould issue after the 15th of January next.
The bill was then passed.
The Secretary at IVar brought up the Mutiny bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second.
The report of the English Small Note bill was agreed to, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time the next day, if then ingrofled.
Mr. Hobart brought up the report of the committee of ways and means; the resolutions were all read and agreed to, and bills ordered to be bronght in in pursuance of them. .