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national honour, the dictates of public duty, and, perhaps, those frail memorials which may remain of me, should men take the trouble to'enquire how I have thought and acted in this great crisis, ever to advise any other than a vigorous, manly line of conduct, or to recommend any resource but in our conftancy and perseverance. It has ever been the opinion which I have entertained and avowed, that if France remained mistress of the continent, you could have no safety. That though, by the desertion and iimidity of other powers, you might be driven to separate negociation, yet whatever might be the importance and giory of your own successes, you could never have a good and secure peace. Difunion, mean shifting policy, have occafioned all the calamities under which a considerable part of Europe now groans. Now, however, there is something more than mere symptoms of the return of other sentiments, and the prevalence of other views. There is more than symptoms to shew that the powers on the continent are willing to embrace a line of conduct more suited to their interests. This then is not the moment for England to thew that the is guided only by little selfish politics. Instead of resigning Eu-, rope to its fate, and abandoning the victims of French domination to their misery, it ought to be the business of England to animate their efforts, and contribute to their deliverance. It is rather the duty of the Ministers of this country, supported by King and Parliament, to say that we are ready to assist the rest of Europe ; that we are willing to aid them by our counsels; to support them with our resources; to conciliate differences; to allay jealousies; to unite their efforts--and not, by reviving former systems; by enflaming old jealousies, and encouraging former rivalships, to prevent that co-operation and concert which is lo necessary to the general fafety of Europe, and lo connected with the true interest of the country.

Such is the system upon which I have acted, nor can any man fo far mistake the principle of that system, as to imagine that ministers have been averle to avail themselves of any favourable opportunity for a safe and honourable peace. The noble Marquis has observed, that those victories should only have been remembered which led to peace ; and the noble Lord who spoke last said, that the attainment of an immediate peace was the only legitimate object of war. I have ever une derstood, however, that those victories were the most renowned and celebrated which were gained in the view of protection and self-defence, and that the most legitimate of all wars was that which is waged for that great object. To the fullest praise in both these respects, the glorious victory of Lord Nelson is enVol. I. 1798.



tituled. That noble Lord will indeed do that which the noble Lord who spoke last has referred to fo invidiously; I claim him. as a valuable recruit; he will bring with him into this House, a true martial spirit, and honours as well earned as those which ennobled the anceitors of either of the noble Lords. Nor will this brilliant victory be withçut its advantages. Notwithstanding what has been asserted, and whether peace be immediate or more remote, there can be no peace negotiated by this country, in which that great atchievement will not form a leading confideration. These are the counsels which we have offered, and these are the principles which, in my official capacity, I have urged to the Governments upon the continent. Shall I then be told that this advice has occafioned the calamities which have befallen part of Europe ? At the beginning of the contelt, when Holland was endeavouring by negociation to avoid the danger with which it was threatened, we endeavoured to. inculcate the principle that such a compromise would infallibly lead to ruin and to mifery. The words in his Majesty's speech, in which the conduct of Holland was characterised in this way, was styled by a person at that time, a " diabolical paragraph, Circumstances, however, have since too fatally proved how correctly true was the doctrine we urged, and how well founded was the caution which we held out. The Dutch thought that by negociation they would obtain the barrier of peace initead of the barrier of resistance, and they fell headlong into the destruction which they endeavoured to avoid. Our situation is compared in his Majesty's speech with the situation of other countries, and the conparison is called ungenerous. We have seen, however, to what causes the calamnities of our Allies may be ascribed, but the comparison it not confined to Allies alone. What is the situation of those Powers which yet stand in a trembling, degraded, precarious existence, purchased by dishonour Look at those who have followed that course in which the noble Lord and his friends have recommended us to seek our safety. Look at these Powers, and what impartial man will deny that the comparison justifies an honest pride, that the survey approves the system on which we have acted. We have endeavoured, in a moment of difficulty and danger, to maintain the honour and independence of our country, and to fupport the liberties of Europe ; and the proud superiority we now enjoy, the nation owes to its own conítancy, its energy, and its virtue.

The Marquis of Lansdown fuid, that in what he had faid that night, he had abstained from agitating any topics that feemed not immediately connected with the discussion before


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the House. He had delivered his sentiments soberly and candidly, and he had hoped that they would have been received as the laggeftions of one who meant to offer what he thought of real and practical importance. Since, however, the noble Lord who had just far down, had suffered himself to burst out into a rant, which nothing that he had said, could have provoked, but which was to be considered as a weakness, the offfpring of the hour of intoxication; and as the noble Lord had brought forward old questions, he would frankly own that he thought favourable opportunities for concluding a fafe and honourable peace had been loft, and that for the omiffion MiniIters were severely responsible. As therefore the noble Lord was fo forward in challenging a day of examination, he pledged himself, wheneverthat day came, to thew that the charge was true, by pointing out the occasions when peace might have been made, had Minilters thought proper to have done their duty. When the noble Lord talked fo exultingly of the schemes en tertained for new coalitions; when he told us that we were to take the lead, and put ourselves at the head of Europe, he made a vain, fuolini, idle boast, which could terminate in nothing but confusion and difafter. He begged their Lordships to read the collections which had recently been published of the correspondence of our Statefonen since the Revolution (Lord Boling broke, General Townsend, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr. Grenville, and others), and they would find how much our wisest politicians disapproved of Continental connections, the system of subsidies, and the attempt to take the lead in Europe. In his own time, he recollected to have heard a near relation of the noble Lord rack the English language for epithets by which to express his disapprobation of such views and polities. To be at the head of Europe, to aflign to one and to take from another might found high, and amuse the people of this country, but it was an idle, vain, and delufive chimera. The noble Lord had hiinself owned the difficulties he had io encounter in forining the coalition among the Continental Powers, and he had owned too, that to support the confederacy had baffled his skill. The Duke of Marlborough, who polfetred conciliatory talents in as eminent a degree as any man ever did, fays with that grace which was so peculiar to him, that it was some little merit to have made eight nations act as one man ! Great as the Duke of Marlborough's talents were, he would venture to say, that were he alive now, it would be above his talents to forni such a confederacy, or to make four nations act as one man; nor would the noble Lord find it easy to make even four nations act with concert and effect. Now

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that experiments are to be made at the expence of so many millions, and of so many thousand lives, he would say to the noble Lord, you tried one experiment and failed, and we don't chuse that you should try it over again. The noble Lord has been deceived once, and I am afraid he will find himself deceived a second time. If I have any credit with the country, I stake it upon this sentiment.--For several years I opposed the forner attempt to take the lead in Continental coalitions, and I now oppose the attempt to renew them.

Lord Sydney faid, that the noble Marquis had read history very differently from him, for he could not discover that our belt fta: esmen had ever expreiled such a disapprobation of Continental connections. The noble Marquis had referred to the authority of Lord Bolingbroke, and from his writings, indeed he might draw all the arguments against Continental connections which now were urged, and which had been repeated by all the Jacobite writers for the last four reigns ; but he did not think the authority of Lord Bolingbroke, or the principles on which the infamous treaty of Utrecht was concluded, would have great weight. As to the noble Lord, from whom he had the honour to be descended, he never faw any thing in his correspondence which could support the obfervation of the noble Marquis. With regard to the immediate sub ect of ihe debate, his Lordship said, he would forbear to add one word, as it had been done ample justice by the noble Lords who had moved and seconded the Address, and his two noble friends near him (Lord Grenville and Lord Mulgrave) indeed he could say nothing that would not rather weaken than add to the impreilion which the masterly arguments of the latter must have made on their Lordships, as he never had heard a speech of more eloquence and more ability in the course of a long parliamentary life.

The Marqilis of Lansdown faid, that all the correspondence of the itatesmen to whom he alluded, prove that they were of opinion, that this country flould be careful of attempting to take the lead in Continental politics, and to cut and carve in Europe. Sir Robert Walpole's Letters in particular were replete with arguments against alliances with the powers of the Continent, and plainly proved how fincerely desirous that great and wife man was to preserve peace and abitain from war.

Lord Grenville faid, he rose merely to declare, that his near and dear relation alluded to, never entertained such a


sentiment, as that the French should be permitted to cut and carve in Europe, which was now the precise question, and not that this country should exercise a power and a practico so unwarrantable.

The question on the Address was then put and carried nem. dif.--Adjourned.


TUESDAY, Nov. 20. The Speaker on his return from the House of Peers, where he had been ordered to attend with the House, to hear his Majesty's most gracious Speech, acquainted the House that he had issued Warrants for the election of Members to serve in Parliament for the following places:for Higham Ferrers, in the room of James Adair, Esq. deceased; for Leicestershire, in the room of William Pochin, Esq.; and for Ripon, in the room of William Lawrence, Esq.

The Bill prepared according to custom, by the Clerk, for preventing clandestine Outlawries, was read a first and second time.

The Speaker then acquainted the House, that he had been in the House of Peers, where his Majesty delivered a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament; a correct copy of which he had obtained, and which he would read with the permislion of the House.

His Majesty's most gracious Speech having been read.

Lord G. Levison Gower rose to move the Address, and spoke nearly as follows:- The principal difficulty which I feel, Sir, in rising on the prefent occasion, is how to express in any thing like adequate terms, the magnitude and splendour of the subjects upon which I have to touch. Were I even possessed of the most brilliant and persuasive eloquence that ever was heard by this House, either with astonithment or delight, it would be utterly out of my power to do justice to the topics of the Speech which we have this day heard from the Throne. But while I lament my deficiency of talent in this respect, I have the consolation to reflect, that the claims on the gratitude of the House are so strong, so marked is the prosperous situation of the country ; so clearly is it impressed on every well.disposed mind, that I scarcely imagine there can be any effort necessary on my part, to conciliate and secure a general, nay, an unanimous concurrence of the House. However, indeed, in former periods of the


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