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speech made on a similar occasion that was more lucid in its matter, or more regular in its order, than the speech of the noble Lord who had spoken first in the debate. There were many topics touched upon in it, which however he could have wished to have heard diseofied to greater length, and certain allufions made at the present and probable future state of this country, and its relations with the rest of Europe, which wouli have gratiñed him much more had they come to him froin an. official origin. The noble Lord had dwelt with great exultation on the memorable naval vi&ory archieved at the Mouth of the Nile, and certainly every man must own that this brilliant atchievement of our navy entitled our officers and feamen to every possible applause; but he must be permitted to say, that whether it benefited the country or not, would wholly depend on the wisdom or want of wisdom of Ministers. From his Majesty's speech, little else was to be collecteri on this subject, than that our vi&tories were to be regarded as the tignals of new expeditions, and the elements of new burdens to be raised on the people. It did not appear from it, that the benefit the country was to derive from naval viciories would be peace, and yet peace was what the country above all things most required. It was to be apprehended from the speech, that the victory of Admiral Nelson would produce an union of states that, before that event, tvere adverse to each other, and enable us to preserve the balance of Europe. He could cheerfully consent to our joining with the Fowers of Europe to otain peace, but if, on the contrary, the Ministers merely fought to instigate the country to continue the war without an object, he should consider the victory not as the forerunner of profperity, but as the forerunner of calainity. In liisi lajesty's specch, there was a studied ambiguity of expression, and it was, therefore imposible to discover what would be the meafures of Minifters; what the line of policy they would henceforth purfue; what the sacrifices the country would be required to make to advance future mentures of ambition or of security. There was not one word in the fpccch about our mighty Allies; nothing of the zealous and august Emperor of Germany, of the faithful and gallant King of Prussia; instead of these we had panegyrics pionounced to us on the wisdom and magnanimity of the Emperor of Russia, and the prompt decision of the Ota toman Porte. But before he could content to the Minister's plans for the extension of our commerce, and for increasing our prosperity, he must know what were the objects of the contest. It was not difficult to (well periods with “commerce and profperity,” but the man who lould not be acquainted with the
immediate views of the Right Hon. Gentleman, would but ill discharge his duty to his constituents by implicitly confiding to him the preservation of the one, or the application of means to increase the other. His attention had been particularly fixed upon that part of the speech, that holds out the promise, not that we thall be able to procure peace, but that we shall ac; complish the deliverance of Europe. To him these words were not intelligible. Would it be to restore Belgium to the Emperor that the country would again be made to empty its coffers into the pockets of that Prince? Or, as the noble Lord had said, to restore Italy to its ancient state, from the domination of France ;--[Here Lord Grenville Levison said that he had merely meant that it might ultimately be among the beneficial effects of incrcased and persevering exertions on the part of this country and the other. flates of Europe, to arrest Italy from the domination of France.] Sir Francis, in resuming his speech, wished to be distinctly told what were the objects of Ministers. He thought that all coalitions, if they did not suco ceed at first, would not succeed afterwards; and the wife of all ages had been accustomed to regard with much jealousy the recoalition of states that, engaged in the fame contest, had one after the other receded whenever its interest and advantage confisted in the making peace with the common enemy. He wished to know, whether new coalitions could be expected to succeed against France in the plenitude of her strength, when no infurrection distracts her interior, with a disciplined army not more inured to active and fatiguing service than to victory, with immense extended territory, and allies who must be dependent upon in every war? She undertakes and fights her battles, when in her distracted state, in the infancy of her powers, without armies, her ancient territory not at every point well secured or skilfully fortified; without allies ; standing naked and alone; the prize for which coalesced Europe was to contend with all its might, with as disciplined troops and the resources of England pledged for their supply-if when thus disordered, poor, and deserted, France could not be conquered; if the Emperor, the Kings of Prussia, Spain, and Portugal, could not make any impression on her, he would be glad to know whether it could now be with any colour of-realon expected that the war of a new coalition, rising out of the ruins of the old, can be carried on with success? But that House had been told that the situation of Ireland was less distracted, and that the internal affairs of this country profper much. He should not on that occasion take up the time of Hon. Gentlemen on the last of these curious topics; and of the improved VOL. I. 1798.
state of Ireland; he thought Ministers had not much to boast. He thought the system carrying on there wore, at the time he was speaking, a moft melancholy aspect, yet neither would be of this nor of the ruinoured union, at that time fay one word. The last was a measure that exclufively belonged to his Majesty's Ministers, and the progress of their system had indelibly impressed every inch of ground over which it marched with it's character. However, he could not but make some comments on the latter part of the speech. He thought it the duty of every man to repel every attack on the laws, the liberties, and the constitution of his country: and if every man had felt the force of this duty as early as he had felt it-had as anxiously sought to preserve the whole body of our privileges untouched, undeformed and undiminished, he was certain the laws, the liberties, and the conftitution of the people of England had till then, and might have for ever remained what they were in the beft times, and under the wifest dominations. But they had been indeed attacked with violence; and the inen who held the awful situations of Conservators of the public safety, who had the command of the vessel of the State, had criminally deserted their legal constitutional posts, and though favoured by prosperous gales, they had thrown overboard the ballaft Conítitution, and disabled the national bark for ever. This attack on the laws of the Constitution ; this abridgement of the privileges of Eng. Jifhmen was the work of his Majesty's Ministers, but could not have been successfully attempted by them, had every man truly felt and manfully discharged his duty to liimself and his obligations to his country. They could not have divided the nation against itfelf, have ufurped the jurisprudence of the country: the unjust encroachments of Executive Government on the Constitution had been impracticable, and no Ministry would haye dared to deforin the face of the country with their Baltiles. Having had these grievances to complain of, he next thought it his duty to say a few words on the part of the people. He believed the language of every true and horeft Englishman would be, “ If Tivisters really think it desirable to produce unanimity in the country, so necessary to its tranquillity and the general safety of Europe, let us be restored to our good old laws for our rule of action, let us see the Bastiles destroyed, the Constitution restored to its pristine vigour, and a fair representation of the people in their Parliament; for, without these, to call upon men for unconditional support, is only adding mockery and insult to injury and injustice.” He concluded with ftating, that he had no amendment to propose, but if any other hon. Gentleman had any to offer, he would second it.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, he did not rise to de“ tain the House a moment from the vote; he rose merely to give notice, that on Monday fe'nnight he should bring forward a very important proposition on finance.
The question was then put, and carried with one diffenting yoice only.
Mr. Secretary Dundas gave notice, that he should the next day move the thanks of the House to Lord Nelson, the Cape tains, &c. for the late glorious victory.--Adjourned.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
TUESDAY, Nov. 21. The House met at half past one o'clock, and after prayers were read
The Marquis of Salisbury acquainted thei. Lordships that his Majesty would receive the Address of their House at three o'clock that day.
Several Petitions in cases of Appeal, and other Papers, having been presented, moved, read, and ordered to lie on the table, the order of the day was called for.
THANKS TO REAR ADMIRAL LORD NELSON, The order for their Lordships being summoned that day. having been read,
Earl Spencer, as firft Lord of the Admiralty, rose to move the thanks of the House to Rear Admiral Lord Nelson, for his brilliant victory off the mouth of the Nile on the first of Algust last, which his Lordship reminded the House had been the subject of praise of the highest Rile in the speeches of almost every noble Lord who took part in the debate of the preceding evening. Whenever he had felt it his duty to move the House on a similar occasion, his Lordship said he had always declared, and truly declared, how inadequate he found himself to the welcome task of endeavouring to do justice to the particular and extraordinary merits of the gallant officers in whose behalf he called upon their Lordships to bestow their inoft honourable approbation. On the present occafion he felt his own inadequacy to fulfil his duty in a manner satisfactorily to his feelings Atill more, but fortunately for him, all that could be said upon the subject, was wholly unnecessary, as the glorious victory Lord Nelson had atchieved on the first of August carried with it its own eulogum,and spoke its praise not only to this country, but to the whole world, more forcibly than any the happiest frame of words could proclaim it. Whether considered with regard to the promptitude and spirit with which the noble Ad.
miral proceeded to attack a French fleet greatly superior to his own, not only in nuinber of thips, but in number of men, weight of metal, and fitness of condition, or in the two other views, of the extent of the success, and the very important and wide variety of beneficial confequences that must necessarily result, and had indeed in a great measure resulted from it, it must be allowed on all hands to be as a noble Lord had pronounced it in the debate of the preceding evening, the most 11paralleled and the most glorious proof of the superiority of the British navy that the history of ages had been enabled to record. To enter into a detailed discussion of the nature of those beneficial consequences undoubtedly was not the fit business of that day's discussion, nor was it neceffary for him to enter upon any such detail, as the admiration of all Europe, and the general expreffion of exultation and joy which pervaded the whole kingdom when the news of the victory and its attendant cireuinstances fite reached England, together with the fixed impression of its value, and the lustre and glory which it cast around Lord Nelson and the arms of Great Britain, that thul remained not only on the minds of their Lordships but on those of all his Majesty's subjects, suficiently manifested the deep sense universally entertained of its magnitude and importance. For his own part, his Lordthip said, the more he revolved the victory and reflected on its manner and the degree of its suce cess, the higher it rose, and the greater it grew, in his opinion, and swelled in consequence in his regard in proportion as the considerations pressed upon him, that its immediate effect had so efficiently added to the present fecurity of ftill undisturbed nations, and promised ultimately to conduce to promote and maintain the general tranquillity of Europe. His Lordship pursued his theme of panegyrick in further terms of warm and cordial commendation, and concluded with ftating that nothing remained more proper for hiin to add than that he begged leave to move, “ Tha' the thanks of the House be voted to Reai Adiniral Lordvellon for his gallant conduct in ațchieving the glorious victory on the firft of August last, off the mouth of the Nile, and that the Lord Chancellor be requested to write a letçer signifying the fame to his Lordship."
Lord Hood laid, “ My Lords, I cannot content myself with giving a filent vote for the motion which the noble Earl at the head of the naval department has, with such attention to tranfcendent merit, made; the very eloquent and impreffive maoher in which the noble Earl prefaced his notion, was equally Honourable to the noble Earl as to the noble Lord, the gallant object of it, wliose victory, undoubtedly, My Lords, is the most