CHAP. VI.

Viciffitudes of Colonization, Commerce, and Arts.—Re-action of the Expedition to Egypt, on the Affairs of Europe.-Internal Policy of France. -Violation of the Freedom of Elections. -Civil Diffentions.-Finances, -Suppreffion of Newfpapers.-Execution of the Lares against Ecclefiaftics and Emigrants.-Escape and Return of banished Deputies, from Guiana to Europe.-Law for confifcating the Property of Exiles, in cafe of their avoiding or quitting the Place of their Banifhment.- Debates in both Councils on this Subject.-Military Commiffions, Trials, and Executions. -Law for inquiring into all the Attacks that had been made on Perfons and Property, from Motives of Enmity to the Public and its Friends.— Dreadful Effects of this Law.-Plunder, Profufion, Venality, and Corruption.

RTS and fciences, colonizaceeded from eaft to weft, for fix thousand years: but they now feemed to take an oppofite courfe, and to give a degree of probability to the theory of monfieur Baillie, concerning their progrefs from weft to caft. It would feem, that when civilization and refinement have dwelt for a certain period in one quarter of the globe, they leave it as exhaufted land, in purfuit of fresh foil, but return to it again, after it has refted for a certain time, and recovered its original wildness, and capability of new cultivation. It was among the avowed objects of the French expedition to Egypt, to carry back the arts and fciences to Africa and Afia, their native countries. Having already noticed the confequences of that expedition, in the

eaft, and in the European countries

and Ruffia, we now proceed to give fome account of its re-action on France, in which it originated. But, in order to do this, it will be neceflary to take a view of the ftate of politics and parties in the French nation, from the middle of April, 1798.

When the expedition to Egypt was finally agreed on by the directory, the mind of Buonaparte (not, perhaps, the laft object of confideration with the directory) was wholly employed in planning and preparing for the execution of that daring enterprize. Before that period, Buonaparte, who uniformly oppofed violent measures, formed, to a certain extent, a counterpoise to the power of the directory.Though deeply connected with them, he retained, and with fpirit

afferted, his independence. This was not the cafe with the two councils. The fubferviency of thefe to the directory and their agents had confiderably lowered them in the eftimation of the public. Many of their tranfactions were obviously dictated by the executive power, which, fince the affair of Fructidor, had become more formidable than ever. The treatment of the councils, at that time, had intimidated them to fuch a degree, that they did not, in general, dare, at once, to become refractory.

The objects of internal policy and regulation, which occupied the minds of the directory, in 1798, were principally the five following: the annual election of a third of the legiflature; the finances; the freedom affumed by the different publications illuing from the prefs; the execution of former and contrivance of new decrees againft emigrants and ecclefiaftics; and a refearch into all the attacks that had heen made on perfons and property, public or private, from motives of enmity to the republic and its friends: all of which objects had a connection and reference, more or lefs remote, with the fiability of their own power and of the government established by the events of Fructidor.

As thefe were reprobated by numbers, the directory dreaded that a great part of the nation, in the next elections, which were to be held in April, would throw out the candidates, on their fide, and choofe their opponents. Various expedients were propofed in order. to obviate what, they afferted, would prove a fatal blow to liberty and the republic. No lefs daring an expedient was brought forward

than an imitation of what the English government had done, a litthe time after the acceffion of the family of Hanover to the throne. Parliament, perceiving the general difaffection of the people to this family, and apprehending that a new election would fill the houfe with members fimilarly difpofed, took upon itfelf to prevent the revolution that muft, in fuch cafe, infallibly enfue, by voting its existance feptennial. This was a manifeft encroachment upon the rights of the nation; but, having an army to fupport it, and a powerful party loudly approving it, as neceffary for the prefervation of tranquillity and the freedom of the conftitution, it was fubmitted to, and gradually acquiefced in by thofe who felt the neceffity of abiding by the principles of the revolution in 1688.

The cafe, it was maintained, was parallel between England, at that time, and France, at the prefent. Were the multitude to exercife its elective rights, during the ferment that now agitated the public, the number and activity of the emiffaries employed against the republic was fuch, that it was much to be feared that the people would be feduced to vote for its enemies: the confequence of which must prove its immediate deftruction. The prevention of fo great an evil would, therefore, authorize any meafure taken against it, and filence every argument alleged, in favour of the ordinary rules of proceeding; as thefe would indifputably endanger the fafety of the nation, which was the first of all laws.

The propriety of this proceeding was the more infifted on, that it had been adopted in a country then the freeft upon earth, and by a le

gillature,

giflature, of which the wifdom food in the higheft degree of repate in all Europe. But this meafure was combated by numbers of the warmeft republicans, as overturning the very foundations of public liberty. The nation, they afferted, was full of the moft determined friends to the conftitutional freedom now eftablished, and it was not to be doubted, but they would exert themfelves in its protection against all domeftic machination, the authors of which were well known and would not dare to fhew themselves, when once they found that the friends to the conftitution were in readiness to oppofe them. It was owing to their want of celerity in coming forwards that its enemies had been able to gain any advantages. There were ample methods to fruftrate the attempts of thefe, without recurring to fuch edious measures as were induftrionfly recommended. The beft models to be copied from, in affembling the people, would be thofe that took place after the tenth of Auguft, 1792. Therein not a royalift had ventured to fhew himfelf: here, the conftituted authorities cleared from treafonable intruders, and the laws againft emigrants and recufant priefts put in force, none but rePublicans would appear at elections. The conftitution having ordained annual renovations of a third of the legiflature, to omit them would be to violate it in the moft effential point; but it had alfo, for its own prelervation, empowered the legillative body to judge of the lawfulness of elections. This was not a matter of difficulty: the conditions of admiflibility, to the primary aflemblies, were fo perfpicuous, that they could not be mifiaken;

and, while they were duly obferved, royalifts could be excluded from them with all facility. Such were the realonings of numerous republicans.

Inceflant and indefatigable were the opponents to the directory, in ftriving to counteract their endea vours to fecure a majority in the approaching elections. What principally embarralled the ruling party, the third to be replaced confifted of the laft members remaining of the convention that had preceded the prefent legiflature and framed the exifting conftitution. Thefe members were undoubted republicans and firmly attached to the directory, who, notwithstanding their irregular ftretches of power, were no lefs warm in that caufe and had committed thofe very irregularities to fupport it.

A committee was, in the mo mean time, appointed to confider of the. means to prevent the approaching elections from falling into improper hands, and to guard the conftitution against thofe enemies who were endeavouring, by fecret practices, to undermine it. Under this denomination were clatied, it feems, feveral meetings, held, about this time, at Paris, and in fome of the cities of principal note in the republic. Thefe became fo fufpicions to the ruling powers that they were every where, on divers pretences, fhut up. They had affumed the name of conftitutional circles, and fome of them were compofed of individuals of the firft confideration. The friends to these circles condemned their enemies with unqualified afperity, and reprefented them as men refolved to engrofs, exclufively, the power of the flate, and who ftigmatized, as foes to the [G4]

republic,

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