in general is by the law of nature, and consequently the ordinance of God; but that the different forms of government, whether to reside in one, few, or many; or whether it shall be continued by succession or by election, together with the different measures and limitations of power and authority in governors of the same kind in several countries: All these things, I say, are ordained by, and purely depend upon, positive and human laws. From whence it will necessarily follow, that the same human authority (residing in king, lords, and commons, here in England) which gave being to those laws for the good of the community, is superintendent over them, and both may and ought to make any addition to, or alteration of them, when the publick good and welfare of the nation shall require it; unless you will admit, that an human authority, establishing any thing intentionally for the common good of the society, which in tract of time, by reason of unforeseen circumstances and emergencies, proves destructive of it, has by that act concluded itself, and made that accidental evil, moral and unchangeable; which to affirm, is senseless and repugnant.

And now, Sir, I hope, by this time, said the old gentleman, you be gin to think that the bill for disabling the duke was not so unjust and unreasonable as was pretended; and that the course of succession, being founded upon the same bottom with other civil constitutions, might likewise as justly have been altered by the king, lords, and commons, as any other law or custom whatever.

And here I might conclude; but because a late pensionary pen has publicly arraigned the wisdom, loyalty, and justice of the honourable house of commons, on the account of this bill, I will, ex abundanti, add a word or two more to that particular.

Whereupon he plucked a paper out of his pocket, intituled,' Great and weighty considerations relating to the duke, and successor of the crown, &c. Which, as soon as he had read unto us, You see here, said he, the true temper of those men, of whom I first gave you caution. There never was an endeavour (though in a legal and parliamentary way) after any reformation either in church or state, but the promoters of it were sure to be branded by them with the odious imputations of fanaticism and faction: Nay, if the country electors of parliamentmen will not pitch upon such rake-hells of the nation as are usually proposed by them, but, on the contrary, make use of their freedom and consciences in chúsing able, upright, and deserving persons; and if good men, thus chosen, de but, according to their duty in the house, enquire into publick grievances, pursue in a legal course notorious offenders, and consult and advise the security of the government and Protestant religion, the time-server immediately swells, and, in a passion, tells you, that all this proceeds from the old phanatick leven, not yet worn out amongst the people; that we are going back again to fortyone*; and acting over afresh the sins of our forefathers.

Thus ignorantly do they compliment the times and persons they en. deavour to expose, by appropriating to them such virtues as were common to good men in all ages. But enough of this.

Viz. To grow seditious.

In the next place, pray observe how hypocritieally the considerer puts this question, viz.:

Whether Protestant religion was not settled in this nation by the same mighty hand of God that established Jeroboam in the kingdom of Israel?' And then adds, Whether we, like that wicked king, should so far despair of God's providence in preserving the work of his own hands, as never to think it safe, unless it be established on the quicksands of our own wicked inventions? viz. the Bill against the Duke.

And, throughout his whole discourse, he frequently calls all care of preserving our religion, a mistrust of God's Providence; and on that score calls out to the nation, 'O ye of little faith,' &c. Now I will allow him, That the least evil is not to be done, that the greatest and most important good may ensue; but that the bill for disabling the duke is highly justifiable both by the laws of God, and constitution of our government, I think by my former discourse I have left no room to doubt; and, the considerer having scarce attempted to prove the contrary, it is preposterously done of him, to give us his use of reproof, before he has cleared his doctrine.

However, I owe him many thanks for putting me in mind how Protestant religion was first established here in England; it was, indeed, by the mighty hand of God influencing the publick councils of the nation, so that all imaginable care was taken both by prince and people, to rescue themselves from under the Romish yoke; and, accordingly, most excellent laws were made against the usurpation and tyranny of that man of sin. Our noble ancestors, in those days, did not palliate a want of zeal for their religion, with a lazy pretence of trusting in God's providence; but, together with their prayers to, and affiance in heaven, they joined the acts of their own duty, without which, they very well knew, they had no reason to expect a blessing from it.

But now be pleased to take notice of the candor of this worthy considerer: nothing less will serve his turn, than the proving all the voters for the bill guilty of the highest perjury: For,' says he, they have all sworn in the oath of allegiance, to bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty, his heirs and successors: but the duke is heir, ergo, &c.' A very hopeful argument, indeed! But what if it should happen (as it is neither impossible, nor very improbable to imagine it) that the next heir to the crown should commit treason, and conspire the death of the present possessort, and for this treason should not only be attainted by parliament, but executed too! pray, Mr. Considerer, would the parliament, in this case, be guilty of murder and perjury? I am confident you will not say it. If, therefore, the next heir become obnoxious to the government in a lower degree, why may not the same authority proportion the punishment, and leave him his life, but debar him of the succession? This I say, only to shew the absurdity of his argument.

My answer is this: No man can bear allegianee to two persons at the same time, nor can allegiance be ever due to a subject; and,

therefore, my obligation by the word heir, in the oath, does not commence till such heir has a present right* to, or actual possession of the crown; which, if he never attains, either by reason of death, or any other act that incapacitates and bars him, then can my obligation to him by the word heir in the oath never have a beginning.

But, besides all this, it cannot be denied but that Mr. Considerer's doctrine does bring great inconveniences on succession; for the next heir, by his way of arguing, is let loose from all the restrictions and penalties of human laws, and has no other ties upon him not to snatch the crown out of the hands of the possessor, than purely those of his own conscience; which is worthy Mr. Considerer's highest consider

ation.

I shall only take notice of one objection more, and then conclude, fearing I have too much trespassed on your patience already.

'It is very hard, says he, that a man should lose his inheritance, because he is of this or that persuasion in matters of religion.'

And, truly, gentlemen, were the case only so, I should be intirely of his mind. But, alas! Popery, whatever Mr. Considerer is pleased to insinuate, is not an harmless innocent persuasion of a number of men differing in matters relating to Christian religion; but is really and truly a different religion from Christianity itself. Nor is the inheritance, he there mentions, an inheritance only of Black Acre and White Acre, without any office annexed, which requires him to be par officio: But the government and protection of several nations; the making of war and peace for them; the preservation of their religion; the disposal of publick places and revenues; the execution of all laws; together with many other things of the greatest importance, are, in this case, claimed by the word inheritance; which, if you consider, and at the same time reflect upon the enslaving and bloody tenets of the Church of Rome, more particularly the hellish and damnable conspiracy those of that communion are now carrying on against our lives, our religion, and our government; I am confident you will think it as proper for a wolf to be a shepherd, as it is for a papist to be the defender of our faith, &c.

The old gentleman had no sooner ended his discourse, but I returned him my hearty thanks for the trouble he had been pleased to give himself on this occasion; and I could not but acknowledge, he had given me great satisfaction in that affair; what it will give thee, Charles, I know not. I am sure I parted with him very melancholy, for having been a fool so long. Adieu.

I am thy affectionate,

J. D.

Alluding to the possibility that King Charles the Second might have a legitimate child before

he died.

ROBIN CONSCIENCE;

OR,

CONSCIONABLE ROBIN:

HIS PROGRESS THROUGH COURT, CITY, AND COUNTRY,

With his bad Entertainment at each several Place, &c.

Yet is my fortune now and then
To meet some good woman or man,
Who have (when they my woes did scan)
sore mourned,

To think that Conscience is despised,
Which ought to be most highly priz'd:
This trick the devil hath devised,
to blind men.

'Cause Conscience tells them of their ways,

Which are so wicked now-a-days,

They stop their ears to what he says,
unkind men.

I first of all went to the court,

Where lords and ladies did resort,
My entertainment there was short,
cold welcome.

As soon as e'er my name they heard,
They ran away full sore afraid,

And thought some goblin had appear'd,
from hell come.

Conscience, quoth one, be gone with speed,
The court few of thy name doth breed,
We of thy presence have no need,
be walking.

Thou tell'st us of our pride and lust,
Which, spight of thee, we follow must,
So out of court was Conseience thrust;
no talking.

Thus banish'd, from the court I went
To Westminster incontinent,

Where I, alas! was sorely shent
for coming.

The lawyers did against me plead :
'Twas no great matter, some there said,
If Conscience quite were knock'd in th' head.
Then running

From them I fled with winged haste,
They did so threaten me to baste,
Thought, it was vain my breath to waste
in counsel.

For lawyers cannot me abide,
Because for falshood I them chide,
And he, that holds not on their side,
must down still.

Unto the city hied I then,

To try what welcome there trades-men
Would give poor Robin Conscience, when
I came there.

The shop-keepers, that use deceit,
Did come about me and did threat,
Unless I would be gone, to beat
me lame there.

And every one, both high and low,
Held Conscience as a mortal foe,
Because he doth ill vices show
each minute.

Therefore the city in uproar

Against me rose, and me so tore,
That I'm resolved, I'll never more
come in it.

On Friday I to Smithfield went,
Where being come incontinent,
The horse-coursers, with one consent,
did chide me.

They said, that I was not myself,

And said, I was a pinching elf,

And they could get more store of pelf beside me.