it a measure unwise and, oppressive. These representations, and the real and severe distress which the people endured, produced a rapid change in their political opinions. In a short tme, a majority became federalists, and opposed with zeal all the measures of the government. 46. In the fall of 1808, a new election of chief-magistrate took place. Mr. Jefferson, believing that no person should hold that office more than eight years, and desirous of confirming the example of Washington, had previously announced his intention to retire to private life. James Madison was elected president and George Clinton vice-president. 47. In March, 1809, congress repealed the embargo, and substituted a law prohibiting all intercourse with France and Great Britain. Bonaparte, in retaliation, issued a decree, at Rambouillet, directing that all American vessels, which were then in the ports of France or might afterwards enter, should be seized and confiscated. 48. In the nonintercourse law, a provision was inserted, that if either nation should revoke her hostile edicts, and the president should announce that fact by proclamation, then the law should cease to be in force in regard to the nation so revoking. In April, Mr. Erskine, the British minister at Washington, engaged, on the part of his government, that the orders in council, so far as they affected the United States, should be withdrawn on the 10th of June; and the president immediately issued the proclamation prescribed in the law. 49. This arrangement the British ministry refused to ratify, declaring that Mr. Erskine had no authority to make it. Recalling him, they appointed Mr. Jackson his successor. In a correspondence between this gentleman and the secretary of state, the former insinuated that the American government knew that Mr. Erskine was not authorized to make the arrangement, and knew of course that it would not be binding on Great Britain. This insinuation was distinctly denied by the secretary, but was subsequently repeated, in an offensive manner, by Mr. Jackson. He was immediately informed, that, on account of his indecorous conduct, no other communications from him would be received. He was shortly afterwards recalled by his govern ⚫ment. 50. The nonintercourse law expired in May, 1810, when a proposition was made equally to both belligerents, that if either would revoke its hostile edicts, that law should be revived and enforced against the other. In August, Bonaparte, by his minister of state, assured Mr. Armstrong, the American envoy to France, that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, the revocation to take effect on the first day of November ensuing. Confiding in this assurance, the president, on the second day of November, issued his proclamation, declaring that all intercourse with Great Britain was prohibited, and that an unrestrained commerce with France was allowed. 51. Great Britain having expressed a willingness to repeal her orders whenever France should repeal her decrees, she was now called upon, by the American envoy, to fulfil her engagement. She objected, that the French decrees could not be considered as repealed, a letter from the minister of state not being, for that purpose, a document of sufficient authority. In answer to this objection, proof was presented that the French admiralty courts considered them repealed, and that no American vessel, although many had entered the ports of France, had been subjected to their provisions. Great Britain, however, still persisted to enforce her orders. 52. For this purpose, she had stationed ships of war before the principal harbors of the United States. All American merchantmen, departing or returning, were boarded, searched, and many of them sent to British ports, as legal prizes. Impressments too were frequent, and the British officers, entertaining exalted ideas of their naval strength, and holding in contempt the republican flag, exhibited, on all occasions, an extreme insolence of behavior, which nations as well as individuals expose themselves to incur, by long and patient endurance of insult and aggression. 53. In one instance, however, their insolence was deservedly punished. Commodore Rogers, sailing in the frigate President, met, in the evening, a vessel on the coast of Virginia. He hailed, but instead of receiving an answer, was hailed in turn, and a shot was fired which struck the mainmast of the President. The fire was instantly returned by the commodore, and continued for a few minutes, when, finding his antagonist was of inferior force and that her guns were almost silenced, he desisted. On hailing again, an answer was given, that the ship was the British sloop of war Little Belt, of 18 guns. Thirty-two of her men were killed and wounded, and the ship was much disabled. 54. Mr. Foster, successor to Mr. Jackson, arrived at Washington in the summer of 1811, and proposed terms of reparation for the attack on the Chesapeak. These were, a formal disavowal of the act, restoration to the frigate of the surviving sailors taken from it, a pecuniary provision for those who were wounded, and for the families of those who were killed. These terms were accepted by the president. 55. But the British envoy could give no assurance that his government was disposed to make a satisfactory arrangement of the subject of impressment, or to repeal the orders in council. These orders, on the contrary, continued to be enforced with rigor; and on the restoration of a free commerce with France, a large number of American vessels, laden with rich cargoes, and destined to her ports, fell into the power of British ruisers. Such was now the state of affairs, that the United States suffered the evils of war, while Great Britain enjoyed the advantages. Her cruisers, since 1803, had captured nine hundred American vessels. 56. The patience of the nation was exhausted. President Madison, early in November, 1811, called congress together, laid before them the state of foreign relations, and recommended that the republic should be placed in an attitude to maintain, by force, its wounded honor and essential interests. The representatives of the people, whose sentiments and feelings they expressed, determined to act in accordance with the views of the president. 57. Laws were enacted providing for the increase of the regular army to 35,000 men; for the augmentation of the naval establishment; empowering the president to accept of the services of volunteers, to make a detachment from the militia, and to borrow eleven millions of dollars. It was the expectation of many that Great Britain, witnessing these serious preparations, would recede from the stand she had taken. 58. Events, however, occurred, while congress were in session, which considerably diminished this expectation. For several years, the Indian tribes residing near the remote lakes and the sources of the Mississippi, had displayed symptoms of hostility, murdering a number of whites and robbing others of their property. In the fall of 1811, general Harrison, with a small force, was sent into their territories, instructed to negotiate if possible, but to fight if necessary. On the 6th of November, he arrived at Tippecanoe, their principal town, where he was met by Indian messengers, with whom an agreement was made, that hostilities should not take place before the next morning, and that then an amicable conference should be held. 59. Just before daybreak, the savages, in violation of their engagement, made a sudden and furious attack upon the troops in their encampment. Nothing but the precaution of sleeping in order of battle, on their arms, saved them from total defeat A dreadful slaughter was made; but the savages were finally re pulsed, dispersed, and their town laid waste. A strong belief was entertained, founded upon credible testimony, that they Ład 234 MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION. [1812. been incited to hostility by British agents stationed among them. 60. In February, 1812, John Henry, who had once resided in Canada, communicated to the president the fact, that in 1809, he had been employed by the governor of that province por a secret mission to Boston, the metropolis of the New-England states; and that he was instructed to confer with the disaffected, upon the subject of a separation of those states from the union, and their forming a polical connexion with Great Britain. He exhibited documents in support of his disclosures, which he was led to make, by the neglect of his employer to reward him for his services. It did not appear that he had succeeded in corrupting the fidelity of any individual; but the attempt, in a time of peace, and in the midst of the most amicable professions, not only preserved in full force but increased the previous irritation. 61. Congress continued to be employed until the 20th of May, in making preparations for war, still cherishing the hope that a change of policy in Europe would render unnecessary an appeal to arms. On that day, the Hornet arrived from London, bringing information that no prospect existed of a favorable change. On the first of June, the president sent a message to congress, recounting the wrongs received from Great Britain, and submitting the question whether the United States should continue to endure them or resort to war? 62. The message was considered with closed doors. On the 18th, an act was passed declaring war against Great Britain. The measure was decidedly condemned by a considerable portion of the citizens, among whom were many honest and able men. Exercising the undoubted privilege of freemen, they examined, with the severest scrutiny, the measures and motives of the administration. They asserted that the war was unnecessary, partial, and unwise: that it was unnecessary, because, in their opinion, a satisfactory adjustment of all disputes might have been obtained by farther negotiation: that it was partial, because France had given greater provocation, in proportion to her means of annoyance, than Great Britain: that it was unwise, because the nation was not prepared for war; because, by declaring it against almost the only remaining enemy of France, the United States indirectly but powerfully assisted Bonaparte in his design of universal conquest; and because the expenses and sufferings it must unavoidably occasion, would more than coun terbalance all the advantages sought to be obtained. And many, passing the limits of candid and temperate discussion, indulged in a virulence of invective of which no government should be the object that is not manifestly corrupt. CHAPTER XXVI. CAMPAIGN OF 1812. THE people of the United States remembered, with pride, the patriotism and bravery exhibited by their army in the revolutionary war. A long period of peace and prosperity had increased their confidence in their own strength; and the belief was generally entertained, that victory over the same foe would now be so much the more certainly and easily gained, as the nation was more rich and populous. They did not reflect, that peace had impaired the military energies of the republic, while their enemy, by constant exercise in arms, had acquired, not only additional strength, but greater skill to use and apply it. 2. From the veteran officers, who had acquired fame in the former conflict, a selection was made to fill the principal posts in the new army. Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts, was appointed major-general and commander-in-chief. He was at the battle of Bunker's hill. In the expedition against Quebec, he served as a captain under Arnold. He distinguished himself on these and other occasions; and at the close of the war bore the commission of colonel. He held, for a long time, the office of secretary of war, and discharged its duties with exemplary industry and skill. Thomas Pinkney, of South Carolina, was also appointed major-general. Among the brigadiers were Wilkinson, Hull, Hampton, and Bloomfield. 3. At the time of the declaration of war, general Hull was also governor of the Michigan territory, of which Detroit is the capital. On the 12th of July, with two thousand regulars and volunteers, he crossed the river dividing the United States from Canada. On the same day, he addressed a proclamation to the Canadians, tendering them the blessings of civil and religious liberty, and assuring them, in a lofty tone, "that his force was sufficient to break down all opposition," and yet was but the vanguard of one much greater. It appeared to be his purpose to attack Malden, and thence proceed to Montreal. 4. Had the attack been instantly made, success would have been highly probable. A month was wasted in ruinous delay Distrust and contempt expelled confidence and attachment from the breasts of the Canadians. The ardor of the troops began to cool. Malden was reinforced and at this critical moment, in : |