CHAPTER XXIX.

GEORGE III. (Continued.)

A. D. 1805.

As the ruler of France had derived little benefit from the renewal of the war, he was willing to try the effect of an application for peace. He informed the king, that he had been placed on the French throne by the A. D. concurrent suffrages of the senate, the people, 1805. and the army. He ought rather to have said, that he had been elevated to the sovereignty by the will of the army, which over-awed and influenced the mass of the community. "Peace (said the new emperor) is the strongest wish of my heart; and, as I cannot be suspected of dreading the dangers of war, I do not conceive myself to be disgraced by making the first step toward a reconciliation. The two nations abuse their prosperity; and their governments may be accused of neglecting their most sacred obligations, if they continue to shed blood without a precise object or a legitimate cause." His majesty considered this appeal to his humane feelings as a mere affectation of philanthropy, intended only for delusion; and, therefore, gave such a reply as, he supposed, would prevent a speedy renewal of application. It was not merely the interest of GreatBritain, he said, that required the most attentive consideration; but such arrangements ought to be made, as would prevent a recurrence of the dangers and calamities in which Europe was involved; and it was therefore necessary, before he should accept the overture, to consult those princes whose friendship he enjoyed, and

who were more immediately concerned in the event of a continental negotiation. In commenting on this reply, the orators of the three French assemblies freely animadverted on the inhumanity and impolicy of the British monarch, who, without a just motive or a reasonable object, persisted in a war into which he had rashly entered. At the same time, they panegyrised the magnanimity of their sovereign, who, when he had no cause of fear from war, but, on the contrary, might fairly cherish the strongest grounds of hope, was willing to relinquish the pursuit of glory, and to cultivate the arts of peace.

Far from aiming at the immediate restoration of peace, the ministry commenced a new war. The close alliance which the treaty of St. Ildefonso had established between Spain and France, naturally excited in the British court an apprehension of combined hostilities. It was evidently the wish of Charles IV. to avoid all concern in the war; but the authoritative influence of Napoleon would not long suffer a treaty, which favored his views, to be evaded or neglected. He, at first, was not satisfied with the offer of his catholic majesty to give a pecuniary compensation for the stipulated supply of ships and troops; but, on farther consideration, he consented to accept a large subsidy. The agreement which provided for this commutation was concealed from Mr. Frere, the British envoy, who procured, however, such intelligence as induced him to believe, that the annual grant was not less than three millions. He seemed to acquiesce in the convention; but he afterward pretended, that he reserved to his court a right of war, for a breach of that neutrality which the Spanish court supposed him to acknowlege. Some inferior grounds of dispute arose, in which the Spaniards were more ready to give satisfaction: but their pretence, that a squadron at Ferrol, instead of

being fitted out for any secret expedition, would only proceed with troops to the coast of Biscay, where serious commotions had arisen, did not meet with general belief. At length, after a show of moderation, orders were given for the detention not only of such Spanish ships of war as contained bullion or treasure, but of all mercantile vessels laden with military or naval stores. As a negotiation was then in train, notice of these instructions ought, by the rules of honor and equity, to have been given to the court of Madrid: but this formality did not suit the violent spirit of the ministry. Many well-armed ships being expected from South-America, it would have been more consistent with humanity to send out such a force against them, as would have precluded their resistance to the arbitrary order: but, when four frigates were observed, steering toward Cadiz, by commodore Moore, they were encouraged to oppose his squadron, because, though he had the same number, his real force was less considerable. The effect was disastrous. Smiling with contempt at his declaration, that it was his earnest wish to execute, without bloodshed, the mandate of detention, the Spanish admiral briskly returned the fire of the enemy. After a short conflict, one of the frigates blew up; and, of 280 persons, only forty-six escaped destruction. The other ships were obliged to surrender, when a hundred of their defenders had been killed or wounded. They contained, on the king's account, 1,086,000 dollars, and a great quantity of tin and copper; and, for private use and benefit, a large stock of gold, beside silver and platina.

In the mean time, negotiations were continued at Madrid without leading to any satisfactory result. If the Spanish monarch had engaged to discontinue all naval preparations, and had disclosed the precise pre

dicament in which he stood with regard to France, it was the intention of the British court to send an ambassador for the final settlement of the question of neutrality; but the brother of the former envoy, complaining of evasive replies and inconciliatory behaviour, abruptly quitted the court. When the Spanish minister at London offered to negotiate, his overtures were treated with disdain; and an extension of the war was daily expected. Alleging that the English had commenced hostilities without endeavouring to legalise them by a formal annunciation of their views, his catholic majesty (on the 12th of December) declared war in a tone of high indignation.

On the eve of a new session, Mr. Pitt, wishing to meet the exigencies of the Spanish war with an addition of parliamentary strength, recalled the partisans of Mr. Addington into the ministerial ranks, by recommending their patron to the title of viscount Sidmouth and the dignity of president of the council, and procuring the chancellorship of the duchy of Lancaster for his chief friend, the earl of Buckinghamshire. After the supercilious contempt with which Mr. Pitt had recently treated his former friend, the acceptance of an office, from his ostensible kindness, did not denote the possession of a high or dignified spirit.

When the two houses re-assembled, the most impor-. tant part of the opening speech was that which related to Spain. The king declared, that his "forbearance had been carried to the utmost extent which the interests of his dominions would admit," and that he "relied with confidence on the vigorous support of the two houses in a contest, which could be attributed only to the unfortunate prevalence of French counsels." All the support which he wished to obtain was granted, but not without warmth of debate and severity of animadversion. Mr.

Grey reprobated the attack upon the Spanish squadron as treacherous and unjust, because it was executed without notice, and even while a negotiation, seemingly amicable, was depending. It was compared by Mr. Raine to the piratical attempt upon the Dutch mercantile fleet returning from Smyrna, and was indeed, he said, more iniquitous than that outrage. Dr. Laurence, the civilian, more temperately condemned its injustice. Lord Grenville was firmly of opinion, that the war might have been avoided by judgement and moderation; and lord King imputed to the premier a desire of convincing the public, without the least regard to justice, that he possessed a greater degree of spirit and energy than the late minister whose imbecility he had so acrimoniously satirised.

The supposed exigencies of the war produced a renewal of burthensome requisition. A loan was pronounced to be necessary; and the grand financier boasted of the satisfactory terms on which it was negotiated, It amounted to twenty-four millions; and, of the taxes which were appropriated to the consequent interest, the most objectionable was the augmentation of the impost on property, by the addition of a fourth part to the former demand. Mr. Fox condemned this tax as a dangerous weapon in the hands of a minister, who, finding it so easily wielded, might be tempted to add to its weight and power, and to make it a permanent engine of oppression. The aggregate supply exceeded 55,590,000 pounds; and the means of raising it were estimated at three millions beyond that amount :—with such an unsparing hand did the commons dispose of their own property and that of their constituents.

A considerable part of this sum might have been saved by a vigilant inspection of the conduct, and punishment of the mal-practices, of contractors, commissaries, and