rer's connivance in the transfer of money to Sprot the broker for private use, was pronounced to be nugatory by every member of the high court; and none of the charges led to a declaration of guilt. Even the decision upon the second, which was most strongly contested, did not exhibit more than fifty-four condemnatory votes against eighty-one. The lord-chancellor then put an end to the trial, which was not prolonged beyond the sixteenth day, by informing the viscount, that he was acquitted of all the charges: but, whether a decision, in which so many respectable men imputed guilt, was sufficiently honorable to the defendant, let the unpreju diced reader judge.

For the disappointment which the public felt on this occasion, the measures taken by the new ministers, for the repression of the slave trade, afforded some coupensation. Sir Arthur Pigott, the attorney-general, brought forward a bill, which tended to check that unnatural and infamous traffic. He stated, that neutral powers, having colonies in America or the WestIndies, procured negroes by the medium of British vessels, and that even the French and Spaniards were indirectly supplied with slaves by the influence of British capital. These practices, he thought, required the prohibitory interference of the legislature. His ostensible reason was, that, if such supplies were beneficial to these colonies, or to the settlements which, though now in our possession, might be restored on the conclusion of peace, we were imprudently assisting the rivalry of others. The advocates of this branch of trade, suspecting the views of the promoters of the new bill, vehemently opposed it, not merely as injurious to the African trade, which was legalised by long custom and national sanction, but also to the valuable traffic with the people of the United States, and to that intercourse

which was tacitly suffered to be maintained with the South-American subjects of Spain. Being, however, more ably and powerfully defended than attacked, it was honored with enactment.

In the prosecution of the same laudable object, the zeal of Mr. Fox was qualified by prudence; for he did not propose that the slave trade should be immediately abolished, but wished the house to declare, that, as it was "contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and sound policy," effectual measures for its suppression should be adopted with all practicable expedition. This declaration was opposed, on a division, by only fifteen members, while 114 voted for it.

The affairs of the continent also excited the attention of the parliament. A long course of neutrality, and the subserviency with which it was accompanied, had not secured to the king of Prussia the attachment or friendship of the ruler of France, who, in advising him to take possession of the Hanoverian territories, hoped to expose him to the keen resentment of the British court. The electorate was at first provisionally seised; but Bonaparte was so displeased at the appearance of moderation, that he insisted on Frederic's assumption of the permanent sovereignty, in consequence of the transfer of three of his provinces to the French, who, having conquered Hanover, had a right to dispose of the country. Before the encroachment had assumed this daring aspect, Mr. Fox protested against the seisure, and declared that, even if an equivalent should be offered for the invaded territories, it would not be accepted by his majesty, and still less would he submit to measures of force and iniquity. When the ports were ordered to be shut against British vessels, a royal message was sent to both houses, stating the insult, and recommend→ ing retaliation.

Promises of support were given with→

out a dissentient voice; and all the Prussian ships in the British harbours were detained: but no serious hostilities ensued, as the offending prince was supposed to act from weakness and delusion, rather than with a determined spirit of enmity.

CHAPTER XXXII.

GEORGE III. (Continued.)

A. D. 1806.

MR. PITT was apparently insincere in his occasional negotiations for the termination of hostilities. He seemed fond of wielding the thunderbolt, though he could not hurl it with effect. But when Mr. Fox, treated with the enemy, there is reason to believe that he really wished for peace. From a desire of knowing what terms he would allow, Talleyrand, with an artifice which could easily be discerned, tutored an agent to offer his service to the English minister for the assassination of the emperor of France. The emissary was dismissed with an appearance of indignation; and an intimation of the extraordinary incident to the French statesman produced a complimentary letter, indirectly proposing a negotiation. Mr. Fox replied, that the true basis of a treaty would be the mutual recognition of the following principle; namely, "that the object of both parties should be a peace honorable for both, and for their respective allies," and, at the same time, calculated to secure the future tranquillity of Europe. He added, that the king would not make any conclusive arrangements without the approbation of the emperor Alexander, but that some points might

be amicably discussed before the expected arrival of a Russian plenipotentiary. Talleyrand objected to the inclusion of the northern prince, either as a mediator or a party in the negotiation, and declared it to be his firm opinion, that the British court, if it really desired peace, might easily obtain it without foreign intervention. But Mr. Fox asserted the propriety of acting in concert with a most respectable ally, who, being also at war with France, was materially interested in the success of the negotiation. The French minister, alleging that the war between France and Great-Britain had no regular connexion with the object of the third coalition, which the arms of Napoleon had nearly crushed, and that the admission either of Russia or Austria to a concern in the treaty, would be a virtual abandonment of the triumphant basis on which he stood with reference to that confederacy, strongly renewed his opposition to the proposal of Mr. Fox, who at length relaxed the rigor of the unpleasing demand, by intimating that the king would be content so to negotiate, as "not to incur the reproach of a breach of faith toward an ally, who for many reasons deserved entire confidence."

During this correspondence, the earl of Yarmouth, son of the marquis of Hertford, was released from arbitrary detention, with some other British subjects, at the desire of Mr. Fox; and Talleyrand, considering him as a proper person to receive confidential communications, invited him to a conference on the subject of peace. He assured him, that the emperor was willing to restore Hanover, and to gratify the British court in other respects; and, by loosely saying that France asked nothing, he deluded the unsuspecting stranger into a belief that the principle of uti possidetis would be admitted with regard to all the British conquests.

Pleased at this intelligence, the king sent to lord Yarmouth a commission for treating, but desired him to with-hold the annunciation of his full powers, unless the French minister should explicitly promise that Sicily should be retained by the house of Bourbon. It was hinted, in reply, that Napoleon wished to add Sicily to his brother's kingdom, and would procure the Hans-towns for Ferdinand, as an equivalent for that island; but this arrangement was rejected, as unjust and unsatisfactory.

The French were, at the same time, endeavouring to draw the Russians into a separate treaty, as they had reason to expect better terms from such a division of the allies. M. d'Oubril, listening with complacency to the insinuations of general Clarke, who had been authorised to treat with him, was so ready to fall into the snare which was laid for him, that he seemed to anticipate the wishes of the artful enemy. He neglected the prudent advice of lord Yarmouth, and agreed to a treaty, which, in consideration of Bonaparte's promise to recall his troops from Germany, tended to confirm the cession of Dalmatia to that potentate, to render the Ionian islands independent, to expel the Russians from the Mediterranean, and to secure the integrity of the Turkish dominions.

So little regard did Napoleon pay to his engagement for the discontinuance of his encroachments in Germany, that he arbitrarily broke the ties which connected many princes and states with the empire, and, as far as his influence could extend, subverted the constitution of that venerable body. He seduced the rulers of Bavaria and Wirtemberg (whom he had elevated into kings), the elector of Baden, the landgrave of HesseDarmstadt, the princes of the house of Nassau, and other members of the old Germanic association, into a