THE

HE Revolution of September 4, which raised suddenly to power the Government of National Defence, offered a singularly advantageous opportunity for the assumption of authority by a band of conspirators. It is no insult to apply this title to the successful members of the Left who on that occasion seized upon the fallen reins of Government. The situation was one in which the immediate transmission of power to an authority regularly constituted was a practical impossibility. The popular feeling which thrust out the Imperial Government was of a somewhat vague and indefinite kind. Its impulse was eminently one of destruction, and not of reconstruction. It was absorbed wholly in the consideration of the past, and took little or no thought for the morrow. Out of the cloud of rage and shame with which the tremendous tidings of September 3 had almost blinded them, the Parisians saw a gleam of light in the establishment of a free Government; and as that gleam grew and widened into broad day they forgot their grief, and, in the words of Milton, hailed with joy the rising sun of the new Republic. Like the Spartan envoy at Athens, and with a similar burst of enthusiasm, they exclaimed, 'This is the first day of Liberty!' and in the exultation of the moment they took little pains to ensure the security or the permanence of what they imagined they had attained. Thus the twelve members of the old Left who, with well-timed energy, rushed into the vacant seat of empire, found themselves masters of the situation without a rival, without an attempt at opposition. Had the National Guards who effected the Revolution of September taken time to consider what they wished for-had they laid their plans with greater foresight, and joined their indignation against

the late Government with a thought as to that which was to succeed itit is more than probable that they would have insisted successfully upon the establishment of a Communal Assembly. The extreme party, always foremost in such scenes as these, were as favourably inclined at that time to this scheme as they showed themselves afterwards to be; but they did not awake in time to the necessity of immediate action. When they did so it was too late; and their less advanced comradestheir 'reactionary' adversaries, as they afterwards learnt to call them -had got too long a start.

There is a good deal of truth in the common saying that the French can only think of one thing at a time. The émeutiers of September 4 had but one thought, one preoccupation-that of destroying and obliterating all traces of the rule they had just succeeded in overthrowingThus while the population of Paris was engaged in tearing down the Imperial eagles and effacing the Imperial initials, the twelve aspirants to power, sitting in the Hôtel de Ville, were laying the foundations of their proposed Government and making out their plans of future action.

The strength of the new Government, hastily constituted as it was, consisted rather in the absence of opposition than in any positive recognised merit of its own. There was

no enthusiasm about their elevation to power: they were acquiesced in, that was all. The mob outside the Hôtel de Ville cheered the Ministry within; but they cheered it without knowing, and almost without enquiring, of what men it was composed. They shouted 'Vive la Gauche!' and 'Vive la République !' but not one-half of them knew who were the leaders and chiefs that their shouts were raising up to be their

rulers. The mere joy of finding themselves again en République was almost sufficient for the moment, and they took little trouble to enquire what sort of a Republic it was likely to be, or to examine minutely what sort of men were at its head. They knew that they were members of the Left, enemies of the late Empire; and for the moment this was a sufficient guarantee: they were content, and continued their rejoicings. And the twelve made the best use of the golden hours, and went on maturing their plans and securing their position. As for the respectable part of the population, it was nowise eager to welcome the new power. With all their affected enthusiasm, many of them mistrusted their new-found liberty, and beneath the garb of Republicanism, hastily thrust on, concealed a secret regret for the old régime and a contempt and hatred of the new. But que faire? There were the new rulers already in the place of power. Was it worth while to depose them? And after all the violence and probable bloodshed of a forcible deposition whom should they agree upon to take their place? The Parisians, moreover, dearly love a coup de main; and there was a sort of retributive justice in the idea that the new Government should supplant the Empire by a stroke similar to that by which the Emperor had destroyed the Constitution of '48.

Then, moreover, who was there to organise an opposition? Which of the scattered and disunited parties into which France had so long been divided? Imperialist, Orleanist, or Legitimist,- -none of these, single-handed, had a chance. The storm which swept away the Empire was so violent, and the catastrophe which aroused it so overwhelming, that the Imperial party was entirely crushed and overpowered, and could not hope for a moment to stem the tide that had

Whether

at last rushed over it. that tide could have been resisted at first, and at what cost, is altogether another question. But, once fallen, the Empire was irrecoverably lost: its partisans had nothing left for them but instant flight. The same rush of feeling which carried away the Imperial dynasty threatened all attempts at establishing a monarchical government of any kind. Neither Legitimists nor Orleanists, even had their supporters been at hand and prepared to act, could have dared to put forward their pretensions against the Deputies who had seized upon the Hôtel de Ville. No combination even of the monarchical factions, had it been possible for them to combine, would have stood a chance for an instant, in Paris, against the republican feeling on the 4th. The Orleanists were only too well pleased to find Trochu still in a place of power; and they were well content to wait until they should have collected their scattered forces, and to take advantage meanwhile of the mistakes and blunders which the new rulers were pretty sure to make.

The only party that had a chance of resisting successfully the new régime was the ultra-republican faction-the socialists and communists of Paris. Had they known their strength, had they rallied their forces and struck the blow at once, they might have altered the aspect of the situation, and Paris at least, if not France, might have fallen under their sway. They were unarmed, it is true, and they were undisciplined; but the men who were to oppose them were little better off in these respects. Their numbers and strength have been terribly revealed by events that have since occurred in Paris. It will be fortunate if still more dreadful scenes do not one day prove with an unmistakable clearness how great is their power in the capital.

The choice of the new Ministry -or Committee, as it began by calling itself was perhaps, under the circumstances, the best that could have been made out of the limited material at the command of the successful party. Between Trochu, whose name stood at the head of the list, and Rochefort, who came last, as wide a range of political opinion was represented as could be expected or desired. It is hardly fair to argue from events that have since occurred that a better choice could have been made at the necessary moment. The men did not unite; they did not make up together a body of able statesmen or efficient organisers; but considering the difficulties of the situation, and the necessity of immediate action, it may well be doubted whether a Radical Ministry would have been formed having at the moment a better prospect of success. It is much easier,' as M. Thiers lately remarked in alluding to the late Government, to criticise than to act.' Of the twelve members of the new Committee every one was a man whose name was, or had once been, known throughout the whole of France. Some of them had filled places of trust and honour under the old Republic.

The continuation of General Trochu as Governor of Paris, and the addition of his name at the head of the list of Ministers, lent a valuable sanction to that irregularly constituted body. The General was at that time extremely popular in Paris, and his co-operation gave to the new Ministry a sort of semblance of authority, and bridged over to a certain extent the gulf that separated the old régime from the new. The addition of Rochefort, on the other hand, while it diminished the respectability, increased enormously the working strength of the Government. Its most doubtful friends and dangerous

supporters were, as it well knew, the followers of that extraordinary person. Little was needed, as subsequent events too amply proved, to change them from lukewarm allies into defiant enemies. But as long as the decrees of the new governors of France bore the signature of Rochefort, they could not well be impugned by the patriots of Belleville and La Villette. The men who outside the Hôtel de Ville greeted the liberated prisoner with their old cry of Vive Rochefort!' could not consistently declare themselves hostile to a Ministry of which he formed a part.

It is hardly possible to proceed to a criticism of the conduct of the Government under consideration without a glance at the individual character of the men of whom it was composed.

General Trochu, President of the Committee of National Defence and Governor of Paris, was very far from being a sincere Republican. Throughout all the latter part of his life a decided Orleanist, he had taken little pains to conceal his sympathies, and none to conceal his antipathies. Although, after the revolution, he kept his political opinions very carefully and patriotically to himself, he was always mistrusted and disliked by the extreme Republicans, who constantly suspected or pretended to suspect him of monarchical intrigues. General Trochu, who was born in the famous year 1815, distinguished himself highly in the Crimean war, and received the title and decoration of Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour. Since that time he has become author of a famous book on the constitution of armies and the French army especially; a book, whatever be its merits, which gave to its author the reputation of a great military organiser. The General is a Breton, and now sits as deputy for his native Department of Morbihan in the National Assembly. The

rulers. The mere joy of finding themselves again en République was almost sufficient for the moment, and they took little trouble to enquire what sort of a Republic it was likely to be, or to examine minutely what sort of men were at its head. They knew that they were members of the Left, enemies of the late Empire; and for the moment this was a sufficient guarantee: they were content, and continued their rejoicings. And the twelve made the best use of the golden hours, and went on maturing their plans and securing their position. As for the respectable part of the population, it was nowise eager to welcome the new power. With all their affected enthusiasm, many of them mistrusted their new-found liberty, and beneath the garb of Republicanism, hastily thrust on, concealed a secret regret for the old régime and a contempt and hatred of the new. But que faire? There were the new rulers already in the place of power. Was it worth while to depose them? And after all the violence and probable bloodshed of a forcible deposition whom should they agree upon to take their place ? The Parisians, moreover, dearly love a coup de main; and there was a sort of retributive justice in the idea that the new Government should supplant the Empire by a stroke similar to that by which the Emperor had destroyed the Constitution of '48.

Then, moreover, who was there to organise an opposition? Which of the scattered and disunited parties into which France had so long been divided? Imperialist, Orleanist, or Legitimist,-none of these, single-handed, had a chance. The storm which swept away the Empire was so violent, and the catastrophe which aroused it so overwhelming, that the Imperial party was entirely crushed and overpowered, and could not hope for a moment to stem the tide that had

Whether

mo

at last rushed over it. that tide could have been resisted at first, and at what cost, is altogether another question. But, once fallen, the Empire was irrecoverably lost: its partisans had nothing left for them but instant flight. The same rush of feeling which carried away the Imperial dynasty threatened all attempts at establishing a narchical government of any kind. Neither Legitimists nor Orleanists, even had their supporters been at hand and prepared to act, could have dared to put forward their pretensions against the Deputies who had seized upon the Hôtel de Ville. No combination even of the monarchical factions, had it been possible for them to combine, would have stood a chance for an instant, in Paris, against the republican feeling on the 4th. The Orleanists were only too well pleased to find Trochu still in a place of power: and they were well content to wait until they should have collected their scattered forces, and to take advantage meanwhile of the mistakes and blunders which the new rulers were pretty sure to make.

The only party that had a chance of resisting successfully the new régime was the ultra-republican faction-the socialists and communists of Paris. Had they known their strength, had they rallied their forces and struck the blow at once, they might have altered the aspect of the situation, and Paris at least, if not France, might have fallen under their sway. They were unarmed, it is true, and they were undisciplined; but the men who were to oppose them were little better off in these respects. Their numbers and strength have been terribly revealed by events that have since occurred in Paris. It will be fortunate if still more dreadful scenes do not one day prove with an unmistakable clearness how great is their power in the capital.

The choice of the new Ministry -or Committee, as it began by calling itself was perhaps, under the circumstances, the best that could have been made out of the limited material at the command of the successful party. Between Trochu, whose name stood at the head of the list, and Rochefort, who came last, as wide a range of political opinion was represented as could be expected or desired. It is hardly fair to argue from events that have since occurred that a better choice could have been made at the necessary moment. The men did not unite; they did not make up together a body of able statesmen or efficient organisers; but considering the difficulties of the situation, and the necessity of immediate action, it may well be doubted whether a Radical Ministry would have been formed having at the moment a better prospect of success. 'It is much easier,' as M. Thiers lately remarked in alluding to the late Government, to criticise than to act.' Of the twelve members of the new Committee every one was a man whose name was, or had once been, known throughout the whole of France. Some of them had filled places of trust and honour under the old Republic.

The continuation of General Trochu as Governor of Paris, and the addition of his name at the head of the list of Ministers, lent a valuable sanction to that irregularly constituted body. The General was at that time extremely popular in Paris, and his co-operation gave to the new Ministry a sort of semblance of authority, and bridged over to a certain extent the gulf that separated the old régime from the new. The addition of Rochefort, on the other hand, while it diminished the respectability, increased enormously the working strength of the Government. Its most doubtful friends and dangerous

supporters were, as it well knew, the followers of that extraordinary person. Little was needed, as subsequent events too amply proved, to change them from lukewarm allies into defiant enemies. But as long as the decrees of the new governors of France bore the signature of Rochefort, they could not well be impugned by the patriots of Belleville and La Villette. The men who outside the Hôtel de Ville greeted the liberated prisoner with their old cry of Vive Rochefort!' could not consistently declare themselves hostile to a Ministry of which he formed a part.

It is hardly possible to proceed to a criticism of the conduct of the Government under consideration without a glance at the individual character of the men of whom it was composed.

General Trochu, President of the Committee of National Defence and Governor of Paris, was very far from being a sincere Republican. Throughout all the latter part of his life a decided Orleanist, he had taken little pains to conceal his sympathies, and none to conceal his antipathies. Although, after the revolution, he kept his political opinions very carefully and patriotically to himself, he was always mistrusted and disliked by the extreme Republicans, who constantly suspected or pretended to suspect him of monarchical intrigues. General Trochu, who was born in the famous year 1815, distinguished himself highly in the Crimean war, and received the title and decoration of Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour. Since that time he has become author of a famous book on the constitution of armies and the French army especially; a book, whatever be its merits, which gave to its author the reputation of a great military organiser. The General is a Breton, and now sits as deputy for his native Department of Morbihan in the National Assembly. The