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extorted by force, as the effects of victory and conquest, but gave no good right nor just title. To all this the English writers answered, that these submissions by their records (which were the solemn instruments of a nation, that ought never to be called in question) were sometimes freely made, and not by their kings only, but by the consent of their states. In this uncertainty I must leave it with the reader.

But after the king had opened this pretension," he complained of the disorders committed by the Scots; of the unkind returns he had met with from their king for his care of him while he was an infant; taking no advantage of the confusions in which that kingdom then was, but on the contrary protecting the crown and quieting the kingdom. But that of late many depredations and acts of hostility had been committed by the Scots: and though some treaties had been begun, they were managed with so much shuffling and inconstancy, that the king must now try it by a war." Yet he concluded his declaration ambiguously, neither keeping up nor laying down his pretensions to that crown; but expressing them in such a manner, that which way soever the success of the war turned, he might be bound up to nothing by what he now declared.

But whatsoever justice might be in the king's title or quarrel, his sword was much the Duke of Nor- sharper. He ordered the duke of Norfolk to march into Scotland, about the end folk's inroad of October, with an army of 20,000 men. Hall tells us they burnt many towns, into Scotland. and names them. But these were only single houses, or little villages; and the best town he names is Kelso, which is a little open market-town. Soon after, they returned back into England; whether after they had spoiled the neighbouring country they felt the inconveniences of the season of the year, or whether hearing the Scots were gathering they had no mind to go too far, I cannot determine; for the writers of both nations disagree as to the reason of their speedy return. But any that knows the country they spoiled, and where they stopped, must conclude that either they had secret orders only to make an inroad, and destroy some places that lay along the river of Tweed and upon the border, which done, without driving the breach too far, to retire back; or they must have had apprehensions of the Scottish armies coming to lie in these moors and hills of Sautrey, or Lammer-Moor, which they were to pass if they had gone farther: and there were about. 10,000 men brought thither, but he that commanded them was much blamed for doing nothing; his excuse was, that his number did not equal theirs. About the end of November, the lord Maxwell brought an army of 15,000 men together, with a train of artillery of 24 pieces of ordnance. And since the duke of Norfolk had retired towards Berwick, they resolved to enter England on the western side by Solway Frith. The king. went thither himself, but fatally left the army, and yet was not many miles from them when they were defeated. The truth of it was, that king, who had hitherto raised the greatest expectation, was about that time disturbed in his fancy, thinking that he saw apparitions, particularly of one whom it was said he had unjustly put to death; so that he could not rest, nor be at quiet. But as his leaving the army was ill advised, so his giving a commission to Oliver Sinclair, that was his minion, to command in chief, did extremely disgust the The Scottish nobility. They loved not to be commanded by any but their king, and were Army de- already weary of the insolence of that favourite, who being but of ordinary birth feated. was despised by them; so that they were beginning to separate. And when they were upon that occasion in great disorder, a small body of English, not above 500 horse, appeared: but they apprehending it was the duke of Norfolk's army, refused to fight, and fell in confusion. Many prisoners were taken; the chief of whom were, the carls of Glencairn and Cassillis, the lords Maxwell, Sommervell, Oliphant, Gray, and Oliver Sinclair; and about 200 gentlemen and 800 soldiers; and all the ordnance and baggage was also taken. The news of this being brought to the king of Scotland, increased his former disorders, and some few days after he died, leaving an infant daughter but nowly born to succeed him.

The lords that were taken prisoners were brought to London, where after they had been charged in council how unkindly they had used the king, they were put in the keeping of some of the greatest quality about court. But the earl of Cassillis had the best luck of them all; for being sent to Lambeth, where he was a

Many Prisoners taken.

prisoner upon his parole, Cranmer studied to free him from the darkness and fottors of popery; in which he was so successful, that the other was afterwards a great promoter of the Reformation in Scotland. The Scots had been hitherto possessed with most extraordinary prejudices against the changes that had been made in England, which concurring with the ancient animosities between the two nations, had raised a wonderful ill opinion of the king's proceedings; and though the bishop of St. David's (Barlow) had been sent into Scotland with the book of the Institution of a Christian Man to clear these ill impressions, yet his endeavours were unsuccessful. The pope, at the instance of the French king, and to make that kingdom sure, made David Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrew's, a cardinal; which gave him great authority in the kingdom; so he with the rest of the clergy diverted the king from any correspondence with England, and assured him of victory if he would make war on such an heretical prince. The clergy also offered the king 50,000 crowns a year towards a war with England, and possessed all the nation with very ill thoughts of the court and clergy there. But the lords that were now prisoners (chiefly the earl of Cassillis, who was best instructed by his religious host) conceived a better opinion of the Reformation, and carried home with them those seeds of knowledge which produced afterwards a very fruitful harvest. On all these things I have dwelt the longer, that it might appear whence the inclination of the Scottish nobility to roform did take its first risc, though there was afterwards in the methods by which it was advanced, too great a mixture of the heat and forwardness that is natural to the genius of that country.

When the news of the king of Scotland's death and of the young queen's birth that succeeded him came to the court, the king thought this a very favourable conjuncture to unite and settle the whole island. But that unfortunate princess was not born under such happy stars, though she was mother to him in whom this long-desired union took effect. The lords that were then prisoners began the motion, and that being told the king, he called for them to IIampton-court, in the Christmas-time, and said, now an opportunity was put in their hands to quiet all troubles that had been between these two crowns, by the marriage of the prince of Wales to their young queen; in which he desired their assistance, and gave them their liberty, they leaving hostages for the performance of what was then offered by them. They all promised their concurrence, and seemed much taken with the greatness of the English court, which the king always kept up not without affectation; they also said, they thought God was better served there than in their own country. So on New-year's-day they took their journey towards Scotland, but the sequel of this will appear afterwards.

1543.

liament.

A parliament was summoned to meet the 22d of January, which sat to the 12th of May. So the session begun in the thirty-fourth and ended in the thirty-fifth year of the king's reign, from whence it is called in the records, the parliament of the thirty-fourth and A new Par- thirty-fifth year. Here both the temporality and spirituality gave great subsidies to the king, of six shillings in the pound, to be paid in three years. They set forth in their preambles "the expenso the king had been at in his war with Scotland, and for his other great and urgent occasions," by which was meant a war with France, which broke out the following summer. But with these there passed other two acts of great importance to religion. The title of the first was, "An act for the advancement of true religion, and abolishment of the contrary." The king was now entering upon a war; so it seemed reasonable to qualify the severity of the late acts about religion, that all might be quiet at home. Cranmer moved it first, and was faintly seconded by the bishops promotes a of Worcester, Hereford, Chichester, and Rochester, who had promised to stick to Reformation. him in it. At this time a league was almost finished between the king and the emperor, which did again raise the spirits of the popish faction. They had been nauch cast down ever since the last queen's fall. But now that the emperor was like to have an interest in English councils, they took heart again, and Gardiner opposed the archbishop's motion with all possible carnestness; and that whole faction fell so upon it, that the timorous bishops not only forsook Cranmer, but Heath of Rochester and Skip of Hereford were very earnest with him to stay for a better opportunity; but he generously preferred his conscience to those arts of policy which he would never practise; and said, he would push it as far as

Cranmer

An Act about it.

it would go. So he plied the king and the other lords so earnestly, that at length the bill passed, though clogged with many provisoes, and very much short of what he had designed. The preamble set forth, "that there being many dissensions about religion, the Scriptures, which the king had put into the hands of his people, were abused by many seditious persons, in their sermons, books, plays, rhymes, and songs, from which great inconveniences were like to arise. For preventing these it was necessary to establish a form of sincere doctrine, conformable to that which was taught by the apostles. Therefore all the books of the Old and New Testament, of Tindal's translation (which is called crafty, false, and untrue), are forbidden to be kept or used in the king's dominions, with all other books contrary to the doctrine set forth in the year 1540, with punishments, and fines and imprisonment upon such as sold or kept such books. But Bibles that were not of Tindal's translation were still to be kept, only the annotations, or preambles, that were in any of them, were to be cut out or dashed; and the king's proclamations and injunctions, with the primmers and other books printed in English, for the instruction of the people before the year 1540, were still to be in force; and among these, Chaucer's books are by name mentioned. No books were to be printed about religion without the king's allowance. In no plays nor interludes they might make any expositions of Scripture, but only reproach vice and set forth virtue in them. None might read the Scripture in any open assembly, or expound it, but he who was licensed by the king or his ordinary, with a proviso, that the chancellors in parliament, judges, recorders, or any others, who were wont in public occasions to make speeches, and commonly took a place of Scripture for their text, might still do as they had done formerly. Every nobleman or gentleman might cause the Bible to be read to him, in or about his house, quietly and without disturbancc. Every merchant that was a householder might also read it; but no woman, nor artificers, apprentices, journeymen, servingmen, under the degree of yeomen; nor no husbandmen, or labourers, might read it. Yet every noblewoman or gentlewoman might read it for herself: and so might all other persons but those who were excepted. Every person might read and teach in their houses the book set out in the year 1540, with the psalter, primmer, paternoster, the ave, and the creed, in English. All spiritual persons, who preached or taught contrary to the doctrine set forth in that book, were to be admitted, for the first conviction, to renounce their errors; for the second to abjure and carry a faggot; which if they refused to do, or fell into a third offence, they were to be burnt. But the laity, for the third offence, were only to forfeit their goods and chattels, and be liable to perpetual imprisonment. But these offences were to be objected to them within a year after they were committed; and whereas before, the party accused was not allowed to bring witnesses for his own purgation; this was now granted him. But to this a severe proviso was added, which seemed to overthrow all the former favour, that the act of the Six Articles was still in the same force in which it was before the making of this act. Yet that was moderated by the next proviso, that the king might at any time hereafter at his pleasure change this act or any provision in it."

This last proviso was made stronger by another act, made for the due execution of proclamations, in pursuance of a former act to the same effect, of which mention was made in the thirty-first year of the king's reign. By that former act there was so great a number of officers of state, and of the king's household, of judges, and other persons, to sit on these trials, that those not being easily brought together, the act had never taken any effect. Therefore it was now appointed that nine counsellors should be a sufficient number for these trials. At the passing of that act the lord Montjoy protested against it, which is the single instance of a protestation against any public bill through this king's whole reign.

The act about religion freed the subjects from the fears under which they were before; for how the laity were delivered from the hazard of burning; and the spirituality were not in danger but upon the third conviction. They might also bring their own witnesses, which was a great favour to them. Yet that high power which was given the king of altering the act or any parts of it, made, that they were not absolutely secured from their fears, of which some instances afterwards appeared. But as this act was some mitigation of former soveritics, so it brought the reformers to depend wholly on the king's mercy for their lives; sinco ho could now chain up or let loose the act of the Six Articles upon them at his pleasure.

Soon after the end of this parliament, a league was sworn between the king and the A League emperor on Trinity Sunday; offensivo and defensive for England, Calais, and the between the places about it, and for all Flanders; with many other particulars, to be found King and in the treaty set down at large by the lord Herbert. There is no mention made Emperor. of the legitimation of the lady Mary; but it seems it was promised, that she should be declared next in the succession of the crown to prince Edward, if the king had no other children; which was done in the next parliament, without any reflections on her birth; and the emperor was content to accept of that, there being no other terms to be obtained. The popish party, who had set up their rest on bringing the king and emperor to a league, and putting the lady Mary into the succession, no doubt pressed the emperor much to accept of this which we may reasonably believe was vigorously driven on by Bonner, who was sent to Spain an ambassador for concluding this peace, by which also the emperor gained much; for having engaged the crowns of England and France in a war, and drawn off the king of England from his league with the princes of Germany, he was now at more leisure to prosecute his designs in Germany.

:

Scotland.

But the negotiation in Scotland succeeded not to the king's mind, though at first there were very good appearances. The cardinal, by forging a will for the dead king, got himself and some of his party to be put into the government. But the earl of A Treaty for a Match with Arran (Hamilton) being the nearest in blood to the young queen, and being the Queen of generally beloved for his probity, was invited to assume the government; which he managed with great moderation, and an universal applause. He summoned a parliament which confirmed him in his power during the minority of the queen. The king sent sir Ralph Sadler to him to agree the marriage, and to desire him to send the young queen into England: and if private ends wrought much on him, Sadler was empowered to offer another marriage of the king's second daughter, the lady Elizabeth, to his son. The earl of Arran was himself inclinable to reformation, and very much hated the cardinal: so he was easily brought to consent to a treaty for the match, which was concluded in August: by which the young queen was to be bred in Scotland till she was ten years of age; but the king might send a nobleman and his wife, with other persons, not exceeding twenty, to wait on her. And for performance of this, six noblemen were to be sent from Scotland for hostages. The earl of Arran being then governor, kept the cardinal under restraint till this treaty was concluded: but he, corrupting his keepers, made his escape, and joining with the queen-mother, they made a strong faction against the governor; all the clergy joined with the cardinal to oppose the match with England, since they looked for ruin if it succeeded. Tho queen, being a sister of Guise, and bred in the French court, was wholly for their interests; and all that had been obliged by that court, or depended on it, were quickly drawn into the party. It was also said to everybody that it was much more the interest of The differ- Scotland to match with France than with England. If they were united to ent Interests France they might expect an easy government: for the French being at such there. distance from them, and knowing how easily they might throw themselves into the arms of England, would certainly rule them gently, and avoid giving them great provocations. But if they were united to England, they had no remedy but must look for an heavier yoke to be laid on them. This meeting with the rooted antipathy that by a long continuance of war was grown up among them to a savage hatred of the English nation; and being inflamed by the considerations of religion, raised an universal dislike of the match with England, in the greatest part of the whole nation; only a few men of greater probity, who were weary of the depredations and wars in the borders, and had a liking to the reformation of the church, were still for it.

'The Fronch

The French court struck in vigorously with their party in Scotland, and sont over the earl of Lenox; who as he was next in blood to the crown after the earl of Arran, so Party prevails. was of the same family of the Stewarts, which had endeared him to the late king. He was to lead the queen's party against the Hamiltons. Yet they employed another tool, which was John Hamilton, base brother to the governor, who was afterwards archbishop of St. Andrew's. He had great power over his brother, who being then not above four-and-twenty years of age, and having been the only lawful son of his father in his

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