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have concluded a sound peace with the aforesaid princes, our kindred, and their confederates, in the manner and form expressed in the treaty drawn up for this purpose. By this treaty all rancour and malevolence between one party and another are extinguished, and the princes aforesaid have solemnly sworn on the holy evangelists, in the presence of our very dear son, many prelates and other persons, that they will strictly observe every article of it, and no way infringe it, according to the oaths which they had before taken on a similar occasion. “For this reason, we therefore enjoin, and most strictly command, thee to proclaim this peace in all the squares and public places of Amiens, by sound of trumpet, and then to make proclamation of the same in all the villages and other places within thy bailiwick, particularly ordering all our subjects most faithfully to keep this peace, under pain of our highest displeasure, and of being criminally guilty towards our royal person, forbidding any person, whatever may be their rank, in our name, in any wise to offend against any of its articles, on pain of being corporally punished, with confiscation of property. We, moreover, enjoin thee, that thou do punish most severely and publicly, according to the exigency of the case, any who shall be found violating this peace in any degree whatever, either by word or deed, who may be regularly accused before thee, so that it may serve as an example to all others. “Given at Melun, in the year of Grace 1412, and in the 32d of our reign.”—Signed by the king from the report made to him by the council held by my lords the dukes of Aquitaine, Berry, Burgundy, Orleans and Bourbon, the counts of Vertus and Alençon, and John de Bar, with others present at it. Countersigned, “Emau, inspector.” The English, during this time, had advanced, from the Coutantin, into the countries of Maine and Touraine, despoiling the districts they marched through with fire and sword. A grand council was held on this subject at Melun, presided by the duke of Aquitaine as the king's locum tenens, and at which were present the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Orleans and Bourbon, the count de Vertus, the chancellors of France, Aquitaine, and of Orleans, the lords de Torsy, d'Offemont, with others, the provost of the merchants, the sheriffs and council of Paris, when it was ordered, that all persons capable of bearing arms, noble or not, should assemble properly equipped, at Chartres, on the 8th day of October ensuing ; at which time and place, they should receive pay for the defence of the realm, and to drive the ancient enemies of France out of the kindgom. This edict was copied, and sent to the principal seneschalships and bailiwicks of France sealed with the royal seal, by the aforesaid princes, that a sufficient force might be provided against the 8th day of October. The Parisians, as being more nearly affected, hastened to raise their levies of men-at-arms and archers at Paris or at Melun, and others in the adjacent countries. Every one, on the receipt of the king's edict, assembled his quota. Had the duke of Berry and those of his party kept the engagements they had made with the English, and paid them the large sum of two hundred thousand crowns, according to their promises, they were ready to return to England, either through Aquitaine or Bordeaux; but from the melancholy state of the country, they were unable to raise this sum by any means they could offer, and thus their terms not being fulfilled, the English thought they might pay themselves. The king of Sicily returned, however, to Anjou, to raise men for the defence of his territories, whither the English were fast advancing. In these days, the duke of Aquitaine reinstated the eldest son of the late grand master Montagu in his office of chamberlain, andobtained, through his entreaties with the king, that all his estates should be restored, which ought to have descended to him by right of inheritance, so that, with the exception of some trifling confiscations, he regained all the patrimony he would have inherited from his father and mother. He obtained likewise the head of his father; and one evening, about vespers, the provost of Paris, with his executioner, attended by twelve guards, or thereabout, holding lighted torches and carrying a ladder, followed by a priest dressed in his robes, came to the market-place, when the executioner mounted the ladder to where the head of the late grand-master had been fixed to the end of a lance, and, taking it off, delivered it to the priest, who received it in a handsome napkin. Thus wrapped up, he placed it on his shoulder, and carried it, attended by these lighted torches, to the hôtel of the late Montagu, grand-master of the king's household.

The body was in like manner taken down from the gibbet at Montfaucon, in the presence of the provost, by his hangman, and brought to Paris. It was there joined to the head, placed in a handsome coffin, and carried in great state, attended by his children, and a numerous party of friends, with priests chaunting, and a vast number of lighted torches, to the church of the Celestins at Marcoussy, which he had founded and endowed in his lifetime and made a convent of monks, and there honourably interred. Among other gifts which he had made when alive was the great bell, called St. Catherine, to the church of Nôtre-Dame at Paris, as appears from his arms and crest that are upon it.


DURING this time, king Henry of England sent the earls of Warwick and Kyme, with two thousand combatants, to Calais, whence, with other garrisons, they invaded the Boulonois, and did much mischief. They burnt the town of Saumer-au-Bois, took by storm the fort of Ruissault, pillaging, robbing, and setting fire to every place they came to. To oppose them, the king ordered to St. Omer count Waleran his constable, the lord de Rambures, master of the cross-bows, and the lord de Heilly, with a large body of men-at-arms, who were posted in the various garrisons,—and thus was the country harassed on all sides.

At this period, the king of France returned to Paris, and was lodged in his hôtel of Saint Pol, to the great joy of the Parisians, who sang carols in all the streets, lighted bonfires, and had great illuminations, shouting out all night, “God save the king!" There were, likewise, very magnificent feasts and other entertainments. The king was attended, on his entry into Paris, by the dukes of Aquitaine, Burgundy, Bourbon, and the count de Vertus. The queen, with the dukes of Berry and Orleans, had remained at the castle of Vincennes, and thence, on the Sunday following, made her entry into Paris, and was lodged with the king at the hôtel de St. Pol. The duke of Orleans had accompanied her part of the way; but, when he approached Paris, he separated from her, and took the road for his county of Beaumont. The duke of Berry staid at Vincennes. Although the town of Chauny had been surrendered to the king in perpetuity, he restored it to the duke of Orleans, and, at the same time, granted him permission to raise from his vassals the sum of sixty thousand florins of gold, by way of tax, for his own private use. But he could never succeed in the attempts which he made to regain his two castles of Coucy and Pierrefons. When he had been at Beaumont a few days, he departed, and went to meet the English under the command of the duke of Clarence, who had landed, as has been said, at his request, and satisfied him fully, as to the pay of his men, so far as was in his power; but as he could not then advance the whole that was due for their pay, the duke of Orleans gave, as a pledge for the due fulfilment of his engagement, his youngest brother, the count of Angoulême, with many other gentlemen, namely, sir Marcel le Borgne, Jean de Saveuses, Archambault de Williers, Guillaume le Boutillier, Jean David, and others of his dependants. They were all carried away by the duke of Clarence, who retired with his English to Guienne. The count of Angoulême was pledged for the sum of two hundred and nine thousand francs French money. When the duke of Orleans had concluded this, he returned to Blois; but these bondsmen remained in England a long time, as shall be told hereafter. The duke of Orleans sent some of his most able knights, to prevail on the king to restore to him his castles of Coucy and Pierrefons, which were held by the constable; but although the king granted his letters for the surrender of them, the constable refused to obey, giving for answer, that until he should be repaid the money he had advanced to his men-at-arms for the conquest of them, he would retain them, —adding, that the king had made him a promise of them, and had nominated sir Gerard de Herbannes governor of Coucy, and of Pierrefons sir Collard de Fiennes. The castle of Pierrefons, which was a very strong and handsome edifice, was one night burnt to the ground, to the great displeasure of the duke, but as he could not obtain any redress, he was forced to endure it.

The duke of Burgundy, who resided at Paris, to be near the king, about this time caused sir Bourdin de Salligny to be arrested, and carried prisoner to Flanders, where he was confined some time, and then set at liberty. Sir Bourdin had been the particular and confidential friend of the duke; and it was reported, that he was inclined to change sides and turn to that of Orleans, and had even betrayed some of the duke's secrets. In these days also, some very sharp words passed between the bastard of Bourbon and a butcher of Paris, called Denisot de Chaumont, when the bastard said to him, “Peace! hold thy tongue: I shall find thee again another time.” Shortly after, Denisot, who had great weight among his brethren of the trade, collected a large body, and, with other Parisians, they barricaded the streets with chains,—but they were at length appeased by the duke of Burgundy.

John duke of Bourbon, the count d'Armagnac, and the lord d'Albreth, were ordered by the king and council into Languedoc, to oppose the enterprises of the duke of Clarence and the English, who had fixed their quarters in Aquitaine, and sorely oppressed all who defended the French interest on the frontiers.


The duke of Berry, who had come to Paris to attend the king his nephew, and a grand council about to be holden, was taken dangerously ill at his hôtel of Nesle; but by the care and affection of his daughter the duchess of Bourbon, who, on hearing of his illness, had come to see him, and by her nursing, he was soon restored to health. He was also frequently visited by his nephew, the duke of Burgundy. While the duchess of Bourbon was at Paris, she obtained from the king, and from the dukes of Aquitaine and Burgundy, that the body of Binet d'Espineuse, formerly the knight of her lord the duke of Bourbon, should be taken down from the gibbet of Montfaucon, and his head from the market-house, where it had been placed some time since by the king's officers of justice. She had it escorted by many of his friends to the town of Espineuse, in the county of Clermont, where it was honourably interred. The duke of Burgundy at this time had the sole government of the kingdom, for nothing was done but by his advice or that of his friends.

Notwithstanding it had been promised at the peace of Auxerre, by the king and the princes of the blood, that every one, of whatever party he might have been, should be reinstated in his property in such offices as had been held by them, very many could not profit of this royal favour; for with all their diligence in suing for reinstatement, they met with nothing but delays, more especially those who had been attached to the Orleans party. This caused much silent bitterness and discontent; and both sides were busily employed underhand on the means of securing the support of the king and the duke of Aquitaine,— one party making secret attempts to gain the former, the other the latter. Thus, therefore, there was not any sincere love beteen them ; and the war was daily expected to recommence with greater fury than before, as shall be more fully explained. I shall hereafter, towards the end of this year 1412, lay before you all the letters and treaties that passed between king Henry of England and his children, and other princes, on the one part, and the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon, d'Armagnac, the lord d'Albreth, and their adherents, on the other part, and their mutual engagements to each other.


The king of France, by the advice of the duke of Burgundy, summoned the greater part of the princes, prelates, heads of universities, and principal citizens of the great towns, to Paris, to consider on several matters of great importance to the kingdom in general, and more especially respecting the reformation of his ministers, who had for a long time very ill governed the realm.

When this assembly had held many consultations on the subjects laid before it, its members determined that the university of Paris should make their report in the name of all,—which report was delivered to the king at his hôtel of St. Pol, in manner following.

Chanles VI. In Council with (a) his GRAND MASTER AND CHAMBERlain, (b) his Notany
and TREasurer, and (c) his WAR TRFAsunen.
From various contemporary authorities, engraved in Montfaucon, plate 36, vol. 3.

“To our most high and most excellent prince, our sovereign lord and father. Your most humble and devoted daughter the university of Paris, your very submissive and obedient subjects the provost of the merchants, the sheriffs and citizens of your good town of Paris, lay before you their opinions and advice, as required by you, for the welfare and happiness of yourself and kingdom. In the first place, respecting the peace that has been lately concluded between certain princes of your royal blood, according to the terms your majesty has been pleased to lay before us, we say, that all who have sworn solemnly to keep this peace, and have hitherto observed it, ought to continue this same conduct, in pursuance of their intentions sworn to before God: but we think that you should summon certain others of the lords of your blood, and of their principal servants, to swear personally before you to keep the peace; and that for many reasons,—first, because they never yet have taken the said oaths, secondly, because many among them do not keep the peace. It is a notorious fact, that although the English are in your kingdom, and in conjunction with other companies, as well natives as foreigners, daily commit waste on the country, scarcely any attempts have been made to oppose their further progress, and petitions and clamours arise throughout the realm.—Item, the count d'Armagnac, who is your subject, pays no regard to the peace; and so far from observing it, is constantly making war on your more faithful subjects.-Item, for the better observance of this peace, we recommend that your majesty should cause letters to be drawn up, in which all the articles of the treaty shall be incorporated, and sent to the different officers, or to whomsoever else you may please, with orders to make known all transgressors of them, that they may be punished accordingly.

“With regard to the second point on which you, our sovereign lord, demand our advice, having fully considered all that concerns your own honour and welfare, and everything that may tend to the prosperity of the kingdom, we feel ourselves obliged to make known to you what we perceive to be defects in your government. We must begin by the bad administration of the public finances, to which you, as king, ought to have caused more faithful attention to be paid. We recommend, in the first place, that the revenues of the royal demesne be divided into four parts: one to be distributed in alms, another to defray the expenses of your majesty, those of the queen, the duke of Aquitaine, and your household; another to pay the salaries of your officers and servants; another to be applied to the repairs of bridges, roads, mills, castles, causeways, or other public works,—and the overplus to be paid into the king's treasury, as was formerly done.—Item, it clearly appears, that the finances are not at this present time so regulated, which is the fault of your treasurers, who have the administration of them. The religious of both sexes, as well belonging to convents as to hospitals, are frequently forced to expend their own money on the repairs of their churches, without deriving any assistance from the royal treasury, to their great detriment, to the loss of their personal comforts, the ruin of the churches, and the failure of divine service, to the prejudice of the souls of your predecessors, and to the oppression of your own conscience. In regard to alms, it is well known that scarcely anything is paid; and as to the expenses of yourself, the queen, and the duke of Aquitaine, which are regulated by sir Pierre de Fontenay, and paid by Raymond Ragnier and Jean Pie, clerks of the exchequer, they are found to amount to four hundred and fifty thousand francs, as well received from the royal demesnes as from other sources; whereas, in former times, only ninety-two thousand francs were received for this purpose, and your predecessors kept up a royal state, and the tradesmen were regularly paid, notwithstanding the smallness of the sum: but at present this is far from being the case, for the tradesmen are not only unpaid, but your household, and those of the queen and the duke of Aquitaine, are frequently broken up. Even so lately as Thursday last, this disgrace happened to the household of the queen; whence it appears, that these sums are not employed for your expenses, but wasted at the will of your ministers, and among their favourites, as we shall more fully explain at a proper time and place. “In former days, the sum raised for the expenses of the queen's household was but thirtysix thousand francs; but at present, one hundred and forty thousand are raised on this account, from taxes independent of the revenues of her demesnes. This difference proceeds from the fault of the administrators of this department, the principal of whom is Raymond Ragnier, the treasurer; and he has so managed this money, destined for the use of the queen, that he has purchased large estates, and built fine houses, as may be seen both in town and country. The management of this part of the finances should be examined into ; for beside the regular receipt, other sums are demanded by way of extraordinaries.—Item, there are also great abuses in the offices of the master of your wardrobe, and of the treasury; for those who have the direction, receive very large sums of money, and dispose of them otherwise than in the payment of your debts or to your advantage: the salaries of your officers and servants are consequently in arrear; and those who have supplied your table with provision and wine, cannot get their money. Of course, these sums must be applied to their own use, as is very apparent from the great state they live in, from the number of their horses and other luxuries; as in the instance of Raymond Ragnier, who, in purchasing and building, has expended, as it is said, upward of thirty thousand francs. “Charlot Poupart, master of the wardrobe, and master William Budé, storekeeper, have also made great acquisitions of property, and live at an immense expense, which cannot be done from the salaries of their office, nor from their estates before they had these offices given to them. There are likewise great defects in the management of your stables, which is an office of very great receipt; and the prodigious sums that are there expended, are not for your honour nor profit.—Item, in regard to the salaries of the officers of your household, they are very ill paid at the treasury; nor are their payments any way regular, so that they suffer very great poverty, and are unable to appear before you so decently dressed as they would wish. There are, however, some favourites among them that are very well paid. “With respect to the repairs of your castles, mills, and other public works, they are all going to ruin; and as for the overplus that should remain to be paid into your private treasury, there is not at this moment one penny; although, in the days of king Philip, king John, and king Charles, when the receipt was not anything like what it is now, there were savings: but the treasury was then far better managed. We must likewise observe, that this kind of

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