tion. I found him always frank and faithful in friendship, and generous
to the extent of his means. He was in College a good scholar, though
not brilliant. He possessed the firmness and the strong reasoning
powers of the Wolcott family, but with some eccentricities in reasoning.
During the interesting period of Gen. Washington's administration, we
were generally united in political opinions, although I thought then and
still think that some of the gentlemen at the head of affairs were too
much afraid of French policy to permit them to show a proper spirit
toward the invasion of our maritime rights and our commerce by Great
Britain. Yet our situation presented great difficulties to the adminis-
tration, and probably whatever was done, was on the whole, best for
the country. I am, etc.

P. S. It is probable that there may be among Gov. Wolcott's papers other letters of mine, but probably of no public importance. I wish not to have anything of mine published without my consent; as I rarely have kept copies, so that I cannot recollect on what occasions I have written. In the Life of Gov. Jay, some letters of mine were published, without consulting me a very reprehensible license.1

me.

Excuse my scrawls- I cannot copy, and have no person to write for

Mr. THOMAS,

TO EBENEZER SMITH THOMAS.

NEW HAVEN, July 29, 1840.

I see in the sheets of your Reminiscences which you have been so good as to send for my perusal, that you have mentioned the electric effect which the oration of Mr. Hancock, March 5 1774, had upon the audience. This reminds me of an anecdote related to me by the late Judge Trumbull of this State.

In the year 1774, Mr. Trumbull was a student of law in the office of John Adams. Mr. Hancock was, at that time a wavering character; at least he was so considered by the leading whigs of that day. It was a matter of no small importance to bring him to a decision, as to the part he was to take in the crisis then approaching. To effect this object, the more stanch leading whigs contrived to procure Mr. Hancock to be appointed to deliver an oration on the anniversary of the Massacre; and some of them wrote his oration for him or a considerable part of it. This policy succeeded and Mr. Hancock became a firm supporter of the American cause. Judge Trumbull related to me these facts, as from his personal knowledge; & no person will question his veracity.

1 Jay, Life of John Jay, 11. 358, 421.

the Society for promoting the Work, with which you are dou

I will thank you to make m knowledgements for his comm the communication of the m Reports as contain valuable Imports, etc. I have the h dient servant.1

To

DEAR SIR, -I have ju accompanying letters of M my own to Gov. Wolcott.

I cheerfully consent to that of September 17, 1 would be premature, eve The sons of the persons ever be published, I wish wish it to be suppressed doubtful whether the opi were correct. This dot till after the date of the l

I have Gov. Wolcott's Mr. Genêt. This also If you have not a copy, willing to send this to yo the affidavit.

I have no recollection cation, nor whether any One thing I can affi man of more stern inte place him in the ranks (

There are two sons o eminent jurists.

As I have no transcri me to retain those [you I was an intimate fri with Gov' Wolcott. N

1 Pickering Papers, xx 2 Editor of "Memoirs Adams," 1846. The origi Norcross.

a derned from the late Hon. Nathan Strong

tagh the Hon. Elizur Goodrich.

garms to resist the claims of Great Tano fa al Parlant a Caentient, the legislature held a secret the whole day. The result was in favor e most influential character in deciding

* H Tits Hosmer, the father of the late Chief

15, 1791, Washington sent to Hamilton the ed on constitutional grounds, by Jefferson and an act recently passed by Congress and awaitare of the President, for incorporating the sube Bank of the United States. One week later, Hamilton laid before the President his comthe objections made against the measure, a had been prepared by Hamilton himself, and ss of which he was deeply interested. Washingiis ideas, and the act became a law. aught, now printed for the first time, is in the

Papers, in the Library of Congress. It shows portant differences in details, illustrations and arment from the final report, and offers not a little light the manner of Hamilton in preparing his state papers. is incomplete, and is marked by many evidences of haste; t it contains paragraphs which express in greater fulness an were published the grounds of his conclusions. To ale the reader to make a comparison with the final form,

From Mr. Norcross's collection. It was printed in Thomas's "Reminisof the Last Sixty-Five Years" (1840), 11. 169, but is of sufficient curious gest to be included in this series of Webster letters. Thomas was a nephew Thomas, and seems to have possessed a share of the printer's love of In his book he states that "the then celebrated Rev. Dr. Cooper" te the Hancock oration, and adds, "but any man who ever heard Hancock a public assembly, as I have, could not for a moment doubt his ability to - sach an oration; the object was, to get him committed, beyond the hope a pardon, and that oration did it completely."

reasury has perused with great attention the y of State and of the Attorney General conlity of the bill for establishing a National Bank e the order of the President for submitting the uced him to view the subject in a different light. ve been anticipated that in performing this task n solicitude. Personal considerations alone, arisn that the measure originated with him would be it. The sense which he has manifested of the e institution to the successful administration of the1 ed to his care, [aud the serious and extensive conbelieves would attend the failure of the measure,] 2 to be without anxiety on public accounts. But his ses from a persuasion that if the principles of congulate the opinions of the Secretary of State and the should prevail, the just and indispensable authority tes must receive a deep and dangerous wound. The of the government must be fatally clogged. And nd find itself incapable of answering the purposes for een instituted.3

been regretted by the decided friends of an efficient ment that Congress in the early stages of the revolution Dowers entrusted to them, with too sparing and feeble a arnestly to be hoped, after so much has been done for prostrate affairs of the Union, that no similar cause of e again furnished.

laid down as an incontrovertible position, that all the ined in a constitution of Government, which concern the nistration of the affairs of a country, its finances, its trade, &c. ought to be construed liberally in advancement of the 1. This maxim does not depend on the particular form of

point was written and struck out, more particularly under his onviction which he entertains that its failure will materially retard tion of the public debt and the use of public credit and will be

words were written in the margin.

111. 180.

utable truth" was first written.

I have another anecdote, derived from the late Hon. Nathan Strong of Hartford, and coming to me through the Hon. Elizur Goodrich.

When the question of taking arms to resist the claims of Great Britain was to be decided in Connecticut, the legislature held a secret session, & debated a question the whole day. The result was in favor of resistance; & it is said the most influential character in deciding the question was the Hon. Titus Hosmer, the father of the late Chief Justice Hosmer of Middletown.

I give you these anecdotes, as I have received them; & if you deem them of any value, they are at your service. I am, Sir, etc.1

In submitting the first form or draught of Alexander Hamilton's report upon the constitutionality of a National Bank, Mr. FORD said:

On February 16, 1791, Washington sent to Hamilton the objections raised on constitutional grounds, by Jefferson and Randolph, to an act recently passed by Congress and awaiting the signature of the President, for incorporating the subscribers to the Bank of the United States. One week later, on February 23, Hamilton laid before the President his completed reply to the objections made against the measure, a measure which had been prepared by Hamilton himself, and in the success of which he was deeply interested. Washington adopted his ideas, and the act became a law.

The draught, now printed for the first time, is in the Hamilton Papers, in the Library of Congress. It shows many important differences in details, illustrations and arrangement from the final report, and offers not a little light. upon the manner of Hamilton in preparing his state papers. It is incomplete, and is marked by many evidences of haste; but it contains paragraphs which express in greater fulness than were published the grounds of his conclusions. To enable the reader to make a comparison with the final form,

1 From Mr. Norcross's collection. It was printed in Thomas's "Reminiscences of the Last Sixty-Five Years" (1840), 11. 169, but is of sufficient curious interest to be included in this series of Webster letters. Thomas was a nephew of Isaiah Thomas, and seems to have possessed a share of the printer's love of personalities. In his book he states that "the then celebrated Rev. Dr. Cooper" wrote the Hancock oration, and adds, "but any man who ever heard Hancock address a public assembly, as I have, could not for a moment doubt his ability to write such an oration; the object was, to get him committed, beyond the hope of pardon, and that oration did it completely.”

references are made to the "Writings of Alexander Hamilton" edited by Henry Cabot Lodge.

THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF A NATIONAL BANK.

[February, 1791.]

The Secretary of the Treasury has perused with great attention the opinions of the Secretary of State and of the Attorney General concerning the constitutionality of the bill for establishing a National Bank and proceeds to execute the order of the President for submitting the reasons which have induced him to view the subject in a different light. It will naturally have been anticipated that in performing this task he must feel uncommon solicitude. Personal considerations alone, arising from the reflection that the measure originated with him would be sufficient to produce it. The sense which he has manifested of the great importance of the institution to the successful administration of the1 department committed to his care, [and the serious and extensive consequences which he believes would attend the failure of the measure,] 2 do not permit him to be without anxiety on public accounts. But his chief solicitude arises from a persuasion that if the principles of construction which regulate the opinions of the Secretary of State and the Attorney General should prevail, the just and indispensable authority of the United States must receive a deep and dangerous wound. The future operations of the government must be fatally clogged. And it must in the end find itself incapable of answering the purposes for which it has been instituted.

It has often been regretted by the decided friends of an efficient national government that Congress in the early stages of the revolution exercised the powers entrusted to them, with too sparing and feeble a hand. It is earnestly to be hoped, after so much has been done for retrieving the prostrate affairs of the Union, that no similar cause of regret may be again furnished.

4

It may be laid down as an incontrovertible position, that all the powers contained in a constitution of Government, which concern the general administration of the affairs of a country, its finances, its trade, its defence, &c. ought to be construed liberally in advancement of the general good. This maxim does not depend on the particular form of

1 At this point was written and struck out, more particularly under his charge, the conviction which he entertains that its failure will materially retard the appreciation of the public debt and the use of public credit and will be an occasion."

2 These words were written in the margin,

* Lodge, 111. 180.

"Indisputable truth" was first written.